The meaning of the vlfberht mark on Viking swords and the exact place of their manufacture. Unreadable inscriptions on medieval swords What was written on swords

1. ALLEGEDLY UNREADABLE INSCRIPTIONS ON MEDIEVAL SWORDS.

Supposedly unreadable inscriptions have been found not only on Russian coins. They are also present on numerous medieval blades (swords) found in Europe, and especially on the territory of the USSR and neighboring states.

A well-known expert on the history of medieval weapons A.N. Kirpichnikov writes: “In the 70s of the last century, the curator of the Bergen Museum (Norway) A.L. Lorange became interested in Viking swords and, to his surprise, discovered previously invisible signs and inscriptions on them.. By 1957, in Finland, an employee of the National Museum of Helsinki, I. Leppäaho, cleared 250 early medieval swords and encountered dozens of inscriptions and signs... In 1963, the historian and metallurgist from Riga, A.K. Antein, began cleaning swords... In museums in Latvia and Estonia the scientist discovered over 80 blades with inscriptions, signs and ornaments... (A.N. Kirpichnikov - Author) 99 swords were cleared, found... on the territory Ancient Rus', in Latvia and in the Kazan Volga region...

Previously unknown designs were revealed on 76 blades... The amazing abundance of inscriptions and signs that suddenly appeared on things that had long been well known is explained by the production features of branding... the inscriptions and signs on products of the 9th-13th centuries... were inlaid in a HOT CONDITION iron or damascus wire. Even on a strip cleaned of corrosion, the marks are almost indistinguishable. Only after using a special etchant - Hein’s fast-acting reagent (copper, ammonium chloride) - did the outlines emerge before the surprised eyes of those present, as if from oblivion”, p.149.

It is believed that “the names of masters or workshops were written on the blades. The names belonged to Western European Carolingian gunsmiths, who probably worked in the Rhine and Danube regions... Some of the given names are EITHER RARE OR ENCOUNTERED FOR THE FIRST TIME. Thus, THE RUSSIAN LAND PRESERVED WORKS OF SOME WESTERN SMITHS, STILL UNKNOWN IN THEIR HOMELAND", p.50.

Let us ask ourselves: how do we know that these swords were made in Western Europe, if, as we are told, the names of the masters read on them are UNKNOWN IN WESTERN EUROPE? Let us give a striking example from the article, illustrating exactly how archaeologists “recognize” the homeland of the sword. A.N. Kirpichnikov gives a photograph of the hilt of one of the swords and writes: “This BEAUTIFUL hilt of the sword in the form of entwined monsters served as the BASIS FOR THE CLAIM THAT THE SWORD WAS MADE IN SCANDINAVIA,” p.51.

Thus, the homeland of a sword is determined, for example, by the beauty of the hilt. If it’s beautiful, it means Western or Northern Europe. If it’s ugly, then maybe Rus'.

But on one of these “typically Scandinavian” swords, A.N. Kirpichnikov discovered the inscription: “LUDOTA KOVAL”, p.54, that is, simply, THE SMITH OF LUDOTA. KOVAL is a well-known Slavic word. Regarding this sword, A.N. Kirpichnikov writes: “The beautiful bronze hilt with a relief ornament in the form of intertwined monsters was similar to Scandinavian jewelry of the 11th century. IN ALL RESEARCH IT WAS MEANED AS A SCANDINAVIAN SWORD FOUND IN Rus',” p.54.

A.N. Kirpichnikov continues: “In the 12th century, the technique of marking changed. Figures laid out in BRASS, SILVER and GOLD appeared. The content of the marks also changed: instead of the names of the masters... LONG ROWS OF LETTERS appeared... THE OVERWHELMING MOST OF THIS KIND OF INSTRUCTIONS, including those discovered by us, NOT YET READ”, p.50.

Where are the most inscribed swords like this found? We did not specifically investigate this issue. But the following selection of swords with special, so-called abbreviated inscriptions can give some idea of ​​the distribution of sword finds. Here is the data from the book, p.17.

"A COMPLETE COUNT OF SWORDS WITH ABRIDGED INSTRUCTIONS gives the figure 165... If we take into account the places where blades were discovered or, when they are unknown, places of storage, then the swords are distributed by country as follows:

USSR - 45 (including: Latvian SSR - 22, Estonian SSR - 7, Ukrainian SSR - 6, Lithuanian SSR - 5, RSFSR - 5), GDR - 30, Finland - 19, Switzerland - 12, Germany - 12, Poland - 11, Czechoslovakia - 9, France - 8, England - 6, Denmark - 5, Norway - 4, Spain - 2, Sweden - 1, Italy - 1", p.17.

From this it is clear that the USSR and neighboring countries are in first place, and not Scandinavia.

There are many swords - THEIR NUMBER IS IN THE THOUSANDS - that have not yet been cleared, p.55. In addition, “of the four thousand swords of the 8th-13th centuries located in various collections in Europe, barely a tenth has been studied,” p.55.

What is written on the swords? As has already been said, historians today generally cannot confidently read this material. And it's clear why. The inscriptions are made in the form of a string of icons, where Russian, Latin letters and other characters are intricately mixed. In the book, for example, there are only two more or less meaningful readings of the names: Konstantin and Zvenislav. The first name is international, the other is clearly Slavic.

They try to read the rest of the incomprehensible letter combinations, basically, this way. It is proposed to consider that EACH LETTER is only the FIRST LETTER of some LATIN word. That is, the entire inscription is supposedly an abbreviation - it consists only of the first letters of some words. But taking this point of view, it is not so difficult to read almost ANY SEQUENCE OF SYMBOLS, in any predetermined language.

At the same time, researchers for some reason believe that most swords come from Western Europe. Hence the focus on attempts to interpret icons and letter combinations precisely in terms of the LATIN language. By interpreting the icons (sometimes successfully, sometimes not) as Latin letters, researchers begin to “read” long texts of religious content.

Let's give a typical example from the book. This is the inscription on a sword found near the village of Monastyrische in the Voronezh region. It is shown in Fig. 3.1. Photo taken from an article by A.N. Kirpichnikov. This is how Dbroglav suggests reading it. First, he translates the inscription characters into Latin letters. And it turns out the following: NRED-[C]DLT. Then the following Latin reading of this supposed abbreviation is proposed: N(omine) RE(demptoris) D(omini), D(omini) L(igni). T(rinitas). , table VIII (group "nr").

Finally, a Russian translation is offered: "In the name of the Redeemer - the Lord and the Cross of the Lord Christ. Trinity", table VIII.

Here in parentheses are letters added by Dbroglav. We have already expressed our skeptical opinion about this “method of reading” obscure inscriptions on swords, proposed by historians. It seems to us that the task of reading incomprehensible inscriptions on swords and coins is an extremely interesting and possibly difficult task that must be strictly formulated and solved. In fact, this is a well-known decryption problem. Such problems are successfully solved by specialists in this field, including using mathematical methods.

We did not deal with this problem ourselves. Nevertheless, we will make one observation that may prove useful in the future. The so-called "secret writing", that is, writing using letters that are unusual today, was apparently quite common until the 17th century. Including in Rus'. There are known examples of the indisputable reading of some of these inscriptions. These include an inscription on a Russian book of the 17th century, deciphered by N. Konstantinov. We have already talked about it in the book “The Mystery of Russian History,” chapter 1:6. This Russian inscription, by the way, was also considered by historians for many years to be completely indecipherable. We once again present here the inscription itself, and a table of deciphering its symbols, proposed by N. Konstantinov.

Fig.3.2

Fig.3.3

Let's try to apply the SAME TABLE OF N. KONSTANTINOV to the inscription on the sword that we just talked about. You get the following: SIKER or SIKERA, and then there is a separating symbol, after which, apparently, the word VOPE or NOVE. The second half of the inscription is not very clear. But the first one is well known Russian word AXE, that is, just a sword special type. And it seems to be a RUSSIAN, not a Latin inscription. And the sword was found in the Voronezh region.

Let's apply the same method TO ALL DRAWINGS of inscriptions on swords given by A.N. Kirpichnikov in his article. There are four of them. THE FIRST OF THEM is the same inscription that we just discussed, Fig. 3.1, . A.N. Kirpichnikov cites the reverse side of the sword, which depicts TAMGA, a “Tatar” symbol already well known to us. We talked about it in detail above.

Three others contain supposedly Latin names of mysterious Western European masters. Let us remind you that for some reason they are unknown in their homeland, see above.

2. ITALIAN AND GERMAN SWORDS WITH ARABIC INSTRUCTIONS.

At the ROM Historical Museum in Toronto (Canada), in July 1999, about a dozen Italian and German swords of the 13th-14th centuries were presented. We present two of them at and. Noteworthy is the fact that ARABIC inscriptions are applied to ITALIAN AND GERMAN swords. But for some reason there are no Italian and German inscriptions on them. In any case, we did not find them.

Historians, of course, have long paid attention to this strange, within the Scaligerian version, circumstance. After some thought, we came up with an “explanation”. Which is stated authoritatively in the museum plaque located next to these swords. We are asked to believe that the Arabic inscriptions "indicate that the sword was placed in the arsenal of the city of Alexandria, in Egypt." That is, Italian and German swords somehow ended up in Egyptian Alexandria, where they were taken to the Arsenal and Arabic inscriptions were allegedly applied here. Let's doubt this. Most likely, the inscriptions were written DURING THE MANUFACTURE of swords, on steel that had not yet cooled down. Most likely, the Arabic inscriptions on Italian and German weapons mean the same thing as the Arabic inscriptions on old Russian weapons, as we discussed in the book “The Secret of Russian History,” chapter 1:1. Namely, that in the XIV-XVI centuries, throughout the entire territory of the “Mongol” Empire, of which both Italy and Germany were parts, one of the generally accepted languages ​​was the language considered today to be Arabic.

3. WHY IS THE CORONATION ROLE OF THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE COVERED EXCLUSIVELY WITH ARABIC INSCRIPTIONS.

Historians are trying to somehow “explain” this fact, which is surprising to them. This is how they do it. And quite clumsily. “As the ARABIC inscription on its edge says, it was made in 528 Gejra (1133 AD) (allegedly - Author) in the “happy city of Palermo” for the Norman king Roger I; it was PROBABLY , taken by Frederick II from the Norman booty of Henry VI, after part of the imperial regalia was lost during the storming of Vittoria, and was placed in the royal treasury ", vol. 6, pp. 122-123.

That is, we are asked to believe that the emperors began to solemnly wear this “foreign Arab Mantle” instead of their own “lost German regalia.” Somehow they didn’t think of making the German Mantle again. Or the emperors of the Holy Empire did not have the money to make a new Coronation Robe to replace the burned one. They preferred to take a worn “foreign” one.

In our opinion, the picture is completely clear. We are faced here with the same effect as in the case of numerous “Arabic inscriptions” on old Russian weapons, as we described above. Most likely, the coronation Mantle of the Holy Empire of the German nation was worn by the governors of the Great Empire, who ruled the territory of medieval Germany on behalf of the main Russian-Horde Tsar Khan. Naturally, the Mantle, as a symbol of the “Mongol” Empire, was covered with “Mongol” inscriptions. Declared today by historians to be “exclusively Arab”. However, at that time in the Great Empire the most important documents and inscriptions were written both in Slavic and “Arabic”.

By the way, historians also report that among the precious regalia of the Holy Roman Empire there is “the so-called saber of Charlemagne, an ancient EASTERN work,” vol. 6, pp. 122-123. Although her image is not given in the work, a natural thought now arises. Isn't this SABER of Charlemagne covered with ARABIC inscriptions? Like Russian weapons of the Middle Ages?

Let's now look at the luxurious ceremonial robe of Charlemagne. Today it is kept in the treasury of the Aachen House, in Germany. Believed to have been made around 1200, p.19. Although, let us recall, according to the Scaligerian chronology, Charlemagne allegedly lived several centuries earlier. Therefore, historians evasively say that the mantle “has been venerated since the 17th century in the Metz-Cathedral as the Mantle of Charlemagne”, p.19. It is very interesting that Charlemagne’s mantle is decorated with OTTOMAN = ATAMAN CRESCENTS AND CROSSES. At the same time, large crescents are placed, among other things, directly on the chest of the imperial eagle.

The Ottoman = Ataman crescent with a star-cross is found on many coats of arms and ancient objects, including in Western Europe. On, we present three ancient coats of arms from the museum of the Swiss city of Lausanne. On them we see Ottoman = Ataman crescents with stars. Please note that on two coats of arms the dates begin with the Latin letter J, and on one coat of arms - with the Latin letter I. Let us recall that these letters were the initial letters of the name Jesus or Isus and indicated how many years had passed since the Birth of Christ. Therefore, the true dating of these coats of arms may be approximately 150 years closer to us, that is, they relate to 19th century, and not to the XVIII, as is believed today. Let us recall that, according to our results, Andronicus-Christ was born around 1152.

Unreadable inscriptions were found not only on Russian coins. They are also present on numerous medieval blades (swords) found in Europe, and especially on the territory of the USSR and neighboring states.

A well-known specialist in the history of medieval weapons A. N. Kirpichnikov writes:

In the 70s of the last century, the curator of the Bergen Museum (Norway) A.L. Lorang became interested in Viking swords and, to his surprise, discovered previously invisible signs and inscriptions on them... By 1957, in Finland, an employee of the National Museum of Helsinki I. Leppäaho cleared 250 early medieval swords and met dozens of inscriptions and signs... In 1963, the historian and metallurgist from Riga A.K. Antein began cleaning swords... In museums in Latvia and Estonia, the scientist discovered over 80 blades with inscriptions, signs and ornaments... (Kirpichnikov - author) was cleared 99 swords found... on the territory of Ancient Rus', in Latvia and in the Kazan Volga region... Previously unknown designs were discovered on 76 blades... The amazing abundance of inscriptions and signs that suddenly appeared on things that had long been well known is explained by the production features of branding... inscriptions and signs on products of the 9th-13th centuries... were inlaid in hot iron or damascus wire. Even on a strip cleaned of corrosion, the marks are almost indistinguishable. Only after using a special etchant - Hein's fast-acting reagent (copper, ammonium chloride) - did the outlines emerge before the surprised eyes of those present, as if from oblivion. , p.149.

It is believed that “the names of craftsmen or workshops were written on the blades. The names belonged to Western European Carolingian gunsmiths, who probably worked in the Rhine and Danube regions... Some of the names given either rare or encountered for the first time. Thus, The Russian land has preserved the works of some Western blacksmiths, still unknown in their homeland", p.50.

Let us ask ourselves: how is it known that these swords were made in Western Europe if, as we are told, the names of the masters read on them unknown in Western Europe? Let us give a striking example from the article, illustrating exactly how archaeologists “recognize” the homeland of the sword.

A. N. Kirpichnikov gives a photograph of the hilt of one of the swords and writes:

This beautiful sword hilt in the form of entwined monsters served as the basis for the claim that the sword was made in Scandinavia., p.51.

Thus, the homeland of a sword is determined, for example, by the beauty of the hilt. But on one of these “typically Scandinavian” swords, A. N. Kirpichnikov discovered the inscription: “ Ludota Koval", p.54, that is, simply - Blacksmith Ludot. Koval- a well-known Slavic word. Regarding this sword, A. N. Kirpichnikov writes:

The beautiful bronze handle with a relief ornament in the form of intertwined monsters was similar to Scandinavian jewelry of the 11th century. In all studies it was listed as a Scandinavian sword found in Rus'., p.54.

Kirpichnikov continues:

In the 12th century, the technique of marking changed. Figures appeared, laid out brass, silver and gold. The content of the marks also changed: instead of the names of the masters... appeared long strings of letters... the vast majority of these types of inscriptions, including those we discovered, not read yet., p.50.

Where are the most inscribed swords like this found? We did not specifically investigate this issue. But the following selection of swords with special, so-called abbreviated inscriptions can give some idea of ​​the distribution of sword finds. Here is the data from the book, p.17. " complete count of swords with abbreviated inscriptions gives the figure 165... If we take into account the places of discovery of blades or, when they are unknown, places of storage, then the swords are distributed by country as follows:

USSR – 45 (including: Latvian SSR – 22,

Estonian SSR – 7,

Ukrainian SSR – 6,

Lithuanian SSR – 5,

RSFSR – 5,

Finland – 19,

Switzerland – 12,

Poland – 11,

Czechoslovakia – 9,

France – 8,

England – 6,

Denmark – 5,

Norway – 4,

Spain – 2,

Sweden – 1,

Italy – 1”, p.17.

From this it is clear that the USSR and neighboring countries (and not Scandinavia) are in first place.

There are many swords (their number is in the thousands) that have not yet been cleared, p.55. In addition, “of the four thousand swords of the 8th-13th centuries located in various collections in Europe, barely a tenth has been studied,” p.55.

What is written on the swords? As has already been said, historians today generally cannot confidently read this material. And it’s clear why. The inscriptions are made in the form of a string of icons, in which Russian, Latin letters and other icons are intricately mixed. In the book, for example, it is given only two more or less meaningful readings of the names: Konstantin and Zvenislav. The first name is international, the other is clearly Slavic. They try to read the rest of the incomprehensible letter combinations, basically, this way. It is proposed to consider that every letter- that's just first letter some Latin words. That is, the entire inscription is supposedly an abbreviation - it consists only of the first letters of some words. But taking this point of view it is not so difficult to read practically any sequence of characters, in any pre-specified language.

At the same time, researchers believe that most swords come from Western Europe. Hence the focus on attempts to interpret icons and letter combinations precisely in terms Latin language. By interpreting the icons (sometimes successfully, sometimes not) as Latin letters, researchers begin to “read” long texts of religious content.

Let's give a typical example from the book. This is the inscription on a sword found near the village of Monastyrische in the Voronezh region. It is shown in Fig. A (photo taken from Kirpichnikov’s article). This is how Dbroglav suggests reading it. First, he translates the inscription characters into Latin letters. And it turns out the following: NRED-[C]DLT. Then the following Latin reading of this supposed abbreviation is proposed: N(omine) RE(demptoris) D(omini) – D(omini) L(igni). T(rinitas). , table VIII (group “nr”).

Fig.1.3.18

And here is its Russian translation: “In the name of the Redeemer - the Lord and the Cross of the Lord Christ. Trinity”, see ibid.

Here in parentheses are the letters added by Dbroglav. We have already expressed our skeptical opinion about this method of reading obscure inscriptions on swords, proposed by historians. It seems to us that the task of reading obscure inscriptions on swords and coins is an extremely interesting and possibly difficult task that must be strictly formulated and solved. In fact, this is a well-known decryption problem. Such problems are successfully solved by specialists in this field (including using mathematical methods).

We did not undertake this task ourselves. Nevertheless, we will make one observation that may be useful in the future. The so-called “secret writing”, i.e. writing using letters unusual today was apparently quite common until the 17th century. Including in Rus'. There are known examples of the indisputable reading of some of these inscriptions. These include an inscription on a Russian book of the 17th century, deciphered by N. Konstantinov. This Russian inscription, by the way, was also considered by historians for many years to be completely indecipherable. We present here in Fig. 1.3.19 this inscription itself and a table for deciphering its symbols, proposed by N. Konstantinov.

Fig.1.3.19

Let's try to apply the same Konstantinov table to the inscription on the sword that we just talked about.

You will get the following: Seeker or Smkera, and then there is a separating symbol, after which - apparently, the word Vope or Nova. The second half of the inscription is not very clear. But the first one is a well-known Russian word ax, that is, just a sword (of a special type). And it turns out, it seems, Russian, not the Latin inscription. And the sword was found in the Voronezh region.

Let's use the same method to all the drawings inscriptions on swords given by Kirpichnikov in his article. There are four of them.

Inscription 1 is the same inscription that we just discussed. Kirpichnikov cites the reverse side of the sword, which depicts tamga(see Fig. 1.3.20) is a “Tatar” symbol that is already well known to us. We talked about it in detail above.

Fig.1.3.20

The other three allegedly contain Latin names of mysterious Western European masters (remember, for some reason unknown in their homeland, see above).

Inscription 2. See Fig. 1.3.21 Kirpichnikov suggests reading it in Latin. Then the word CEROLT is obtained. There is no such word in the Latin dictionary. Therefore, it is proposed to consider it the name of a certain master. (Note that any incomprehensible sound combination can be successfully called an old, forgotten name). If you read this letter combination according to Konstantinov’s table, you get the word sordce. (Here C, which is missing in Konstantinov’s table, we have restored in meaning. This does not contradict Konstantinov’s table). But the word heart, which was previously written sometimes precisely in the form heart, i.e. sordce(since Kommersant was read as O) is a well-known Russian word. Quite suitable as a mark on a sword.

And on the reverse side of the sword the Russian-Tatar tamga .

Fig.1.3.21

Inscription 3. See Fig. 1.3.22 Kirpichnikov again suggests reading it in Latin. Suggested reading ULEN. There is no such Latin word. Cm. . If this is a name, then most likely it is Slavic - Ulyan. But if you read from Konstantinov’s table, it turns out And dream or Jason, or Clear. Also suitable for a sword.

Fig.1.3.22

Caption 4. See Fig. 1.3.23. Kirpichnikov offers to read Latin and receives LEITPRIT. There is no such Latin word. Cm. . Applying Konstantinov’s table, we obtain Cestaria or Cessing. Looks like an old Russian word Cluck, i.e. Clean. See M. Vasmer's Dictionary. It turns out that on the sword it is written: Clean, i.e., perhaps Clean steel or Clean weapons, or something like that.

And on the back of the blade there is a symbol that, according to Konstantinov’s table, means the letter B.

Fig.1.3.23

Of course, we in no way insist that our reading is correct. Four short inscriptions are clearly not enough to draw any conclusions. Moreover, we had to guess the meaning of several not very clear icons. We only want to draw attention to this problem and point out the possible unity of the so-called “secret writing” used on coins, books, swords, etc. Most likely, this is not a secret writing at all. It’s just an old alphabet, forgotten today, that was used in Rus', and possibly in other countries. For example, in Western Europe. See Part 5 below.

Let's finish with a quote from Kirpichnikov's article. “In Russian science, swords... served as a reason for the rebellion of scientific thought. Most of all, they argued about the origin of swords: some considered them as weapons with which the Normans broke into the vastness of Eastern Europe and colonized the Slavs. Others rightly objected to them, pointing out that blades were a pan-European weapon, used by both the Slavs and the Normans (which, as we learn below, see Part 5, is the same thing - author). Over time, the dispute escalated: based on the finds of swords of the so-called Varangian type, some scientists put forward the thesis that the first state of the Eastern Slavs - Kievan Rus - was created by the Normans”, p.51.

Were Varangian-Norman swords forged in Tula? Or in Zlatoust in the Urals.

I was shackled
Betray a fighter
In the first battle.

I was sent
By evil gold
To the extreme light.

R. Kipling Runes on the Wieland Sword Trans. M. Gasparova

Findings of runic inscriptions on weapons demonstrate to us probably the most powerful form of human influence on the world around him. Runes were undoubtedly the most effective magical tool, while weapons acted as the most authoritative and indisputable argument in the sphere of material life. Both, from the point of view of a person of the archaic era, most effectively transformed reality, changing it in the required direction. The combination of two such effective tools into a single complex, undoubtedly, should have significantly increased the effectiveness of the steps taken. In this context, it is interesting to examine the patterns that can be discerned when analyzing the fund of runic monuments associated with weapons.

It should be noted that the number of inscriptions on weapons known to date is relatively small and, in general, constitutes a relatively small percentage of the total number of runic monuments, and their completely disproportionate distribution by era is striking. So, if from the era of the elder runes and the transitional period that interests us, it has come down to us at least 26 inscriptions on weapons, then the period of younger runic writing (approximately from 700 to 1300 g.) has preserved only about two dozen objects of this kind. Let us recall that little more than the older runic inscriptions are known. 250 , while the number of epigraphic monuments of the Viking Age and the Middle Ages is estimated at almost 6000 units. As a result, we get very indicative figures: elder runes the inscriptions on the weapons are approximately 10 % of the total number of finds, while junior runic- only about 0,0035 % .

At the same time, such a difference cannot in any way be attributed to any differences in the state of the source fund - we have, as we know, a huge number of finds of weapons from the Viking Age, immeasurably exceeding the total number of similar artifacts of the times Great Migration or other eras. That is, the presented ratio was obtained based on an analysis of a completely correct database and reflects a certain pattern that actually existed and was reflected in the sources. Of course, the fund of inscriptions is increasing, and over time, as in any other area of ​​runic epigraphy, certain changes in the statistical order occur, but such a colossal gap in numbers will undoubtedly no longer be subject to significant adjustment.

The correlation of finds within this group is interesting. 23 runic inscriptions from 26 applied to offensive weapons. Among them 14 copies swords and their structural elements - pommels, sheath covers, etc., 8 tips copies And darts, 1 shaft arrows. At the same time, only 3 the finds are associated with items of defensive weapons - 2 umbons from shields and helmet.

In his research on the problem of runic inscriptions on weapons, TO.Duvel highlights four groups finds, differentiated by him according to chronological and geographical characteristics. First group consists of finds originating from marshes of Southern Jutland and Northern Germany.Second block form inscriptions on spear and dart tips, related to the period III century,.n.uh. Third group includes Anglo-Saxon inscriptions on weapons items dating back to VI century.n.uh. Finally, in fourth group presents the most recent inscriptions attributed to 7th century. and found outside the Scandinavian Peninsula, in continental Europe. Such a classification is not ideal, but it allows us to draw attention to certain patterns present in this collection of finds. It is striking, for example, universal nature of piercing and throwing weapons- inscriptions on spears and javelins are present in all chronological sub-periods of the time period under consideration. At the same time, items of defensive weapons belong mainly to the earliest eras of runic writing and are not represented among the later finds. We also note that, with rare exceptions (except for the inscription from Evre Stabu), weapons finds are associated with continental Europe,British Isles or Denmark, but not with Scandinavian Peninsula. This emphasizes the rather mobile nature of the way of life that was characteristic of the Germans during the period of migrations and even in the era of the early barbarian kingdoms, although, of course, it also indicates a higher population density in the non-Scandinavian regions of the Germanic world, as well as the widespread spread of runic literacy here and the activity of using runes in military use.

So, the most local and at the same time the longest existing group is formed by inscriptions on weapons from marshes of the border between Germany and Denmark. The circumstances of their discovery do not always answer the question of how exactly this or that object got into the swamp. Attribute all these objects a priori to results of sacrifices It’s hardly possible, if only because we cannot completely exclude other possible circumstances as a result of which the object ended up in the depths of the swamp. For example, the owner could drop it and lose it while crossing a swamp, or drown with it, throw a spear at the enemy, who, in turn, could no longer get out to a dry place, etc. That is, we have no reason to see in every find a sacrifice to the gods, regardless of what the inscription itself represents.

Finds from the swamps date back to around 200 AD. up to the VI century inclusive. The most indicative in this group are the following inscriptions:

1. The pommel of the sword sheath is made of Thorsberg belongs to the earliest objects with runic signs - it bears two inscriptions: owlpupewar And niwajemariR. The first of the inscriptions is considered by experts as distorted w(u)lpupewaR- determination of weapon ownership (with the suffix -aR): "shining, magnificent warrior". Second part - "well known"(glorious);

2. Co second half of the 3rd century. belongs to the lining of the sword scabbard from Vimose V Denmark. The inscription consists of two parts: mariha iala And makija and reads as follows: "this sword belongs to me" or, alternatively, "this sword belongs to Maru (owner's name)";

3. Also in Vimose A silver scabbard with gilded trim was discovered. There is a name written on it in runes awns- probably, Awings;

4. From the swamp to Illerup there is a shield handle with the inscription swarda. It belongs to the earliest - about 200 g. - and is interpreted as one of the variants of the German word "sword" or adjective swarta - "black";

5. From the famous Nydam swamp, famous for the discovery of one of the well-preserved ships from the era of migrations, comes from an arrow shaft dating from the interval III-V i.v. with an inscription lua-possibly corrupted by a typical spell alu;

6. The inscription on a bronze fragment of the umbon from Illerupa - aisgRh. Here is a list of translations proposed by individual researchers: Bugge- "Sigi wields this shield";Olsen - "Be victorious, shield";Greenberger - "I am victorious" ;Noreen - "Eisger owns it";Holthausen - "Sigger Owns Me"; Krause - "Aisig. Hagel"(two words - "furious" And "damage");Gutenbrunner - "Remain unharmed from the storm of spears"(kenning); Antonsen - "Diverting hail"(spears or arrows); Eric Moltke spoke in favor of the meaninglessness (unreadability) of the inscription. Such a variable reading, which nevertheless preserves a stable semantic core, allows us to classify this inscription as one of two typical formalized classes of inscriptions;

7. From the swamp Kragehuhl Five spearhead fragments originate in Denmark, one of which bears the inscription: EkerilaR asugisalas muha haite gagaga ginuga he lija hagalawijubig. In this rather long text, the first few words are clearly and unambiguously read: I, Eril Asgisl... This is followed by more or less standardized initiations and magical formulas, including the famous gagaga.

In addition, among the swamp finds there is a very indicative category. On the umbo of the shield from Thorsberg there is a Roman inscription - AEL(IUS) AELIANUS. There are other Roman names found in Illerup, Nydam, Thorsberg and Vimosa.

Another group of runic inscriptions is represented by finds of the same type throwing and piercing spears. The earliest of them, attributed to second half of the 2nd century., at the same time considered the earliest runic inscription, is a leaf-shaped tip made of Evre Stabu in Norway, originating from a funerary complex consisting of two male and two female cremations. One of the most popular interpretations of the inscription raunijaR - "deprives the enemy of courage". From Damsdorf, V Central Brandenburg, occurs dated mid 3rd century. inscription on the tip of the spear: ranja ("in motion"?), which is attributed to those who were here at that time Burgundians. The only one of the arrowheads not found in a burial is the Kovel one, bearing the inscription tilarids - "striving for a goal".

Finds from Mos (Gotland) - sioag or gaois(translation is unclear, perhaps "roaring, sounding"), as well as a Polish find from the town Rozvadov - ...krlus(Maybe, "I, Herul"?).

WITH British Isles, mainly from burials, there are several finds. IN Kente five sword parts discovered VI century. and one spear tip 7th century. - including those discovered:

1. B Sarah-unreadable inscription on the pommel of the sword;

2. B Ash Gilton- also pommel: eic sigimer nemde - "Sigimer called me", on the other side - sigi mci ah("Sigi owns me");

3. Sheath lining made of Chessel Down-Friedhof on Isle of Wight: aeco so eri ("increasing suffering");

4. Two silver gilded pommels with “z” runes from Ash Gilton, sometimes seen as dedication Toru;

5. Faversham. On the pommel of the sword the rune of Tyr is inscribed twice. This case, from the point of view of the information available to us, should be considered a classic - this corresponds to one of the very few mentions in Edde about the true magical meaning and use of runes;

6. Spearhead made of Holboro- peculiar binderuna: Tyr rune on a rectangular base resembling the Cyrillic letter P;

7. Finally, skramasaks from Thames. "Non-canonical" option Anglo-Saxon Futhark, probably supplemented with the owner's name: beagnop.

A certain inexpressiveness of the Anglo-Saxon inscriptions is explained by the fact that the Germanic linguistic and magical basis of runic writing in England quickly fell into decay.

Continental inscriptions 7th century. rare. From more than 50 , found, for example, in Germany, - only five made on weapons. Of these are relatively picky four. On a silver plate Leibenau, apparently, the owner's name is present - Rauzvi, other signs are controversial. Scramasax from Haifingen bears the inscription ikxrxkwiwixu. What is clear is that the pronoun comes first ik - "I".

Spearhead from Wurmlingen-inscription idorih. Reading options - “I make you powerful and respected”, proper name or dedication Toru (Top = Dor?). Perhaps the proper name is also in Saxon from Steindorf:husibald...

The Viking Age brought us only three(!) inscriptions on weapons, very few inscriptions from subsequent times ( XII-XIII centuries). Suffice it to say that out of approximately 3 thousands of axes discovered in Norway, only one contains a runic inscription. In addition to unreadable inscriptions ( afke, Uppland), there are fairly standardized two-part ones: rani: aapnuikur And butfus: faii. (“(G)rani wields this dart. Botfos cut out") (Svenskens, Gotland) or audmundr gerdi mik. asleikr a mik (“Audmund made me. Asleik owns me") (Korsoygården, Norway). For a period of about 1200 g. dated to the umbon with the inscription gunnar gerdi mik. helgi a mik("Gunnar made me, Helgi owns me"). IN Greenmount(Ireland) an inscription was found containing the owner’s nickname: tomnalselshofopasoerpeta("Dufnal the Sea Dog Head wields this sword"). Finally, towards the very end of the period (end XIII century.) refers to the inscription of a typically Christian character: "Ave Maria..."

In total, more than two dozen younger runic inscriptions on weapons are known, which, as stated above, constitutes an immeasurably smaller proportion of the total number than in the case of older runic inscriptions. The conclusions that follow directly from the above facts generally boil down to the following.

There is no doubt the high role assigned to runic inscriptions or individual signs applied to weapons. These symbols were given a meaning that went far beyond the usual information broadcast. At the same time, a clear difference between the two eras of runic writing is clearly noticeable. In the Viking Age, when runic epigraphy came close to the state of refined alphabetic writing, and any supernatural content of the runes began to be considered as absolutely secondary, the nature of the inscriptions finally changed. Along with emerging at the very end of the active existence of runes formula of a typical Christian prayer call, organically replacing the pagan appeal to the Ases, most inscriptions on weapons in the Viking Age gravitate towards an extremely stable formula: “The name made me. Someone owns me" with minor variations. Sometimes this inscription is reduced, leaving only the name of the owner.

In one case, it can be assumed that the owner and the person who carved the runes (of course, the maker of the weapon) are different people. However, the resulting formula is remarkably stable. Moreover, it actually, in a somewhat abbreviated form, reproduces the core of the formula characteristic of the most widespread type of monuments of younger runic epigraphy - rune stones. It is also very typical for them to indicate at least two characters- the author of the image and the customer, or the customer and the person commemorated by installing the stone. The reduction of the formula and its extreme laconicism were dictated by the nature of the object - the bearer of the inscription, which did not leave such space as the surface of the stone. Nevertheless, the formation of a very formalized and extremely stable speech block indicates the final fixation in the minds of not only the tradition of inscribing runic inscriptions, but also the stereotypical formulations within the framework of which runic writing was primarily thought and implemented.

Considering the very significant changes that occurred with Futhark during second half of the 1st - beginning of the 2nd millennium. AD, we come to the conclusion that the stereotypes of thinking reflected in epigraphy turned out to be much more stable than the traditional runic alphabet.

Moreover, in the overwhelming majority of cases, the inscriptions are purely utilitarian, because they combine the properties of the manufacturer’s mark and the owner’s mark. This serves as a reflection of the main and fundamental trend, which is a projection of the general runic trend and concluded in the steady desacralization of runic writing, decreasing role of magic,ritual And dedicatory inscriptions and the increasing role of inscriptions of profane, everyday content. Having emerged in the era of the elder runes, as part of the transition period in continental Europe and on the islands, this trend leads to the complete triumph of profane inscriptions in the younger runic period.

As for the older runic inscriptions on weapons, they demonstrate much less formalization. Actually, the typology of inscriptions is not very diverse. There are five main categories:

1. The proper name of the weapon, most often a single-word or compound epithet, that is, heyti or kenning;
2. Indication of the name of the owner of the weapon;
3. Indication of the person who carved the runes - eril;
4. Magic spell or its abbreviation;
5. Direct dedication of weapons to an ace in hopes of helping.

The extreme difficulty of reading and, even more so, interpreting some of the inscriptions should keep us from drawing categorical conclusions. However, we note that, as a rule, these types do not intersect, that is, the object usually carries a fairly short inscription that lies within one of the specified semantic fields. The extreme significance of the magical component of runic symbols is obvious. Given the instability of spelling, common to older runic monuments, there is a surprisingly stubborn and persistent desire to mark weapons using extremely expressive epithets, which clearly emphasize the aggressive and active or, less often, defensive nature of the weapon. "Striving for the Goal","Furious", "Penetrating"- it is difficult to imagine more suitable names for spears or swords. It's a fair statement L.A.Novotny, indicating that the inscriptions on weapons are, first of all, language of warriors and tribal nobility, intended for a barbarically sublime poetic conveyance of the feeling of struggle, blood, wounds, weapons, corpses, hunting, etc. This in itself is a brilliant and vivid reflection of the turbulent world of the crushers of the Empire, recreates the feverish and warlike atmosphere of an era when every warrior was in a state of permanent struggle for his existence and for victory, an era known to us by the epic and the bloody hue of gold jewelry.

Undoubtedly personal connection between the weapon and its owner. One does not exist without the other, and vice versa. These inscriptions capture the hope for help in a decisive throw and a successful blow, the hope that a shield placed in time will withstand and not let you down. The throwing spear, angon, was a very important element of equipment and at the same time sometimes acted as the main character in the fight. The first all-crushing throw could lead to unconditional victory even before hand-to-hand combat. Therefore, special attention was paid to him. At the same time, an unsuccessful throw jeopardized the further outcome of the fight. It is precisely because of this that the inscriptions on the tips of spears are sometimes so laconic and bright, acting as a kind of symbol of the era.

The warrior loved his weapon, trusted it, called it by a bright and sonorous name, expecting help in battle, probably, first of all, from the weapon itself, and secondarily from the deity responsible for military success. Undoubtedly certain, more or less clearly expressed, personification of a weapon, endowing it with certain features of an animate being, organically fitting into the stereotypes of pagan thinking and continuing the relict-totemistic tradition of the zoomorph in the decoration of helmets. In this context, a direct continuation of this tradition of animation is knightly custom give proper names to swords, spears and other weapons. It, like many other features of classical European chivalry, is rooted precisely in the German tradition of the pagan period. "Revived" a sword or spear continued its journey to another world - with its owner, as funeral equipment, or independently, like most finds from swamps of northern Europe. And in fact, when analyzing the inscriptions on the weapon, one immediately gets the feeling that the spear, having received its own name, actually acquired along with it its own unique destiny, which was no less glorious and, perhaps, from the point of view of an archaeologist, much longer, than the fate of its owner himself. Thus, the Kovel spear has already distanced itself so much in our minds from its owner that the vicissitudes of its fate - not only the modern one, but also the early medieval one - are truly perceived as the adventures of the spear itself and only secondarily as the adventures of an unknown Gothic warrior.

When analyzing the texts of runic inscriptions on weapons, there is a temptation to interpret some of the characteristic epithets as Heyti Asov, in particular the Odin. It is known that written sources give us an extremely diverse palette of Odin's heyti, numbering many dozens of names, and there were probably others. This possibility cannot be rejected. In addition, it is Odin who owns one of the few Eddic “registered” weapons - a spear Gungnir. However, none of the texts known to us mentions runes inscribed on the spear, but this, of course, does not mean anything.

The whole story of Odin’s acquisition of the secret knowledge of runes is closely tied to this type of weapon - it was with a spear that the wisest of the Aesir pierced himself, sacrificing himself to himself. Stable axis Odin - spear - runes, which is reminiscent of the abundance of typical inscriptions on the tips of pikes and darts, forces us to pay more attention to this particular type of weapon - the main and oldest one.

At the same time, there is direct written evidence of the presence of runic symbols and inscriptions on swords. Canonical option - "Speeches of Sigrdriva", which find a direct analogy in the inscriptions on the pommel from Faversham and, possibly, the spear from Holborough:

Runes of victory,
if you strive for her, -
cut them out
on the sword hilt
and mark twice
in the name of Tyr!
(Speeches of Sigrdriva: 6)

Stanza from "Beowulf" brilliantly illustrates one of the options for applying runes to weapons. Hrothgar, examining the gilded twisted hilt of the sword, sees on the scennum an image of the battle of the deity with the giants and an inscription indicating by whom and for whom the sword was made:

...and shone on gold
clear runes,
who proclaimed
for whom and by whom
this snake-decorated one
the sword was forged
in those centuries immemorial
along with the cuttings,
twisted handle...
(Beowulf: 1694)

Which part of the handle was meant by the term scennum, is unknown, but this inscription typologically corresponds precisely to the transitional form of the older runic inscriptions of the Anglo-Saxon region, preserving the archaic appearance, but already demonstrating a standardized late non-magical (profane) formula with a mention of the maker/owner. The narrator does not mention specific names when describing the inscription - perhaps it was self-evident for him that in an inscription of this kind it was the owner of the weapon and the master who should be mentioned: the established tradition was assumed “by default.” This type of inscription is fully consistent with the discovery of pommels from Ash Gilton and perhaps from Sarah. Ash-Gilton find chronologically, typologically and “conceptually” is closest to the sword from “Beowulf” and, undoubtedly, is only the tip of the iceberg, inaccessible to our perception and assessment due to the fragmentation of the source fund of the “Dark Ages” era.

Finally, it is appropriate to make one more assumption. It seems that the maturation and constitution of formalized texts of runic inscriptions on weapons was to some extent associated with less and less individualization of the forms of the weapons themselves. The number of squads grew, the production resources of society increased, and the quality of weapons improved. A sword or spear, while remaining an enduring value and an object of sincere affection for a warrior, nevertheless lost to some extent individuality. Spearheads, axes and even swords of the Viking Age, and even more so of the subsequent period, not only became more widespread - the variety of their external forms definitely decreased. The somewhat less expressiveness of the forms of later weapons - while their effectiveness increased - is obvious. Previously, each piece of weaponry truly represented a unique work of weapon art - taken on its own, it apparently meant more to its owner than in later times, and was more valued. It was as if he had his own face, completely unique and individual. It is in this that we must look for the roots of the custom of giving weapons proper names. The weapon was extremely valuable, and putting the name of the owner on its surface, in any case, could, in the last instance, serve the purpose of denoting a proprietary relationship - it was already clear to everyone whose spear or sword it was.

The kings of the Viking Age undoubtedly supplied their warriors with more or less significant quantities of weapons, ordering them from blacksmiths. This was the first and very confident step towards the standardization of weapons, facilitating its production and increasing quality, but at the same time always steadily leading to depersonalization of things. Popular types of swords long time were in service, unifying to a very significant extent. More and more contingents of warriors gathered under one roof in the feast hall, on the same ship, in the same camp, etc. The situation in which soldiers could confuse their weapons became more and more frequent. It was during this period that the need for signs of ownership, purely utilitarian marks of the owner, came out of the shadows and became the dictates of the time.

Modern model Such an epigraphic monument is the owner’s surname written in ballpoint pen on the inside of the crown of a peakless cap or cap, which is not difficult to find on most hats in any of the military schools or garrisons. This is a rather “rough” model, however, standardization these days has been taken to its logical limit.

The first steps of pre-industrial standardization at the end of the 1st millennium AD. destroyed a significant portion of the weapon’s individuality, considerably “depersonalizing” it, which was reflected in a change in the stereotype runic formulas and the extent of their prevalence. The proposed scheme, of course, does not exhaust the essence of the problem, but, as it seems, is the main direction of its solution.

(C) A.A. Stables Harbingers of the Vikings. Northern Europe in the 1st - 8th centuries

Types of swords and inscriptions on them. 1100–1325

Even the most superficial sketch of the military archeology of the last four centuries of the Middle Ages would fill a book of impressive size; Therefore, speaking about the above-mentioned period, I will touch only on those points that have hitherto received the least attention. On English language A sufficient number of scientific works on medieval armor have been published that deserve complete trust, and many of them have been published recently, in an easily accessible form, but relatively few books are devoted to swords. By unknown reason the most beautiful and important of the objects of study in this country is not given due attention, although there are journals on the continent in which works and articles in this field are published; however, they are difficult to obtain and often subject to inaccuracies. So, in this chapter I will talk about armor just to complete the picture, and will focus most of my attention on swords, daggers and spears and some of the many types of weapons that began to be used during foot combat.

By the time the rise of chivalry brought it its greatest glory, the sword had been an emblem of power and leadership for more than two thousand years. Around 1150, it finally acquired a symbolic meaning: Christianity added an aura of holiness to all ancient traditions. The form into which respect for the sword was poured out in the Viking Age was easily accepted and adapted for its needs by the church, and the cross, the shape of which it had, became a defense against sin, a reminder that the owner should use his weapon to protect the church and shame the enemies of Christ. The double-edged sword symbolized truth and loyalty: one edge was intended for the strong who oppressed the weak, and the other for the rich oppressing the poor. After all, one of the duties of a knight was to protect the weak and oppressed.

In the Viking Age, the leader, as a reward for various services, often gave his followers gold rings, and held them out on the tip of a sword. In German poems of the 11th and 12th centuries. Sometimes there are references to the use of swords in a similar way during the marriage ceremony: the priest blessed the ring by taking it from the flat side of the groom's weapon. One of these poems says that the most important and connecting part of the wedding was the moment when the bride laid thumb on the pommel of her future husband's sword. In this particular case, the girl was forced into marriage against her will; they led her to the altar, but they could not, no matter how hard they tried, open their clenched hands and do what was necessary. The end of the poem is lost, but, apparently, the girl eventually achieved her goal.

In almost every museum in Europe you can find several swords from 1100–1500, and most of them were discovered at the bottom of rivers, in ditches and in fields, so there is no specific information regarding their dating. For example, the City of Lincoln Museum houses a whole collection of swords that were removed from the River Witham during cleanup work in 1788. They were all found in a relatively small area, which suggests that they got there at the same time. a time perhaps in 1141, at the first Battle of Lincoln. However, one of them is a Roman blade, and the other is a fragment of a sword from the 17th century, period Civil War! Most of the weapons (six swords, very beautiful and well preserved) date back to approximately 1120–1320. In 1952, a fisherman at the end of his line pulled another blade from a section of the same river close to the first, and this time the sword was from the Viking Age (Type V). And this happens everywhere. Individual specimens are found randomly, with no objects associated with them that could be accurately dated to one period or another, most of them discovered even before the science of stratigraphy came to the aid of archeology, and then exhibits pass from hand to hand for centuries until until they are finally deposited in a museum; and sometimes even the location of the primary find is unknown. The only way to establish the date of manufacture of samples is to study their shape, inscriptions and marks, as well as comparison with previously known ones. Fortunately, many swords have been found in places where they can be easily dated: in crypts, on battlefields, or in areas where it is known for sure that certain people lived there at a certain time. In this way, several reference points can be established, the correctness of which is confirmed by reliable materials for comparison created by sculptors and artists of one or another time.

Even so, there are many difficulties in determining the exact date of manufacture of the weapon, since although the fashion for certain pommels changed, as in the previous period, swords still served for a relatively long time. This continued until the widespread use of plate armor forced blacksmiths to invent a new blade shape, which greatly helps with dating (we will see that this new form was just a repetition of the prehistoric, by that time forgotten). Changes in the appearance of the blade from 1120 to 1320 did not affect its purpose, which remained the same for thousands of years.

Rice. 86. Types of swords. 1100–1325

Through years of intensive research, I have developed a typology for late medieval swords. It is reminiscent of the works of Dr. Alice Boehmer and Jan Petersen. It is impossible to present this typology in full here, so I will do with it what I did with the Boehmer system and what Sir Mortimer Wheeler did with the Petersen typology - I will offer you an abbreviated version of it, which, without considering the countless variations and subtypes, will nevertheless present the general idea of ​​\u200b\u200bthe placement of the main types within the framework of archeology and history (Fig. 86). Wherever possible, in describing and illustrating examples of each type, I will refer to these “reference points” - swords and examples from the fields of sculpture and painting. Inscriptions are a great help in dating swords, but for clarity of presentation I will talk about them separately, just as I did in the chapter on the Viking Age. With regard to these swords, as (albeit to a lesser extent) in the case of swords from the era of the Great Migration of Peoples, we can say that such and such a type belongs to Denmark or Norway. Now this can no longer be done, since after 1100 all swords from Finland to Spain and from Britain to the Caucasus began to resemble each other, although with some variations. It is true that there are certain characteristics that allow us to call the style of sword making Italian or German, but nothing more. As we move on, this will become quite clear.

The typology of swords developed by Boehmer and Petersen was mainly based on styles of hilt construction, hilt and scabbard decorations and took very little into account the shape of the blade, however, speaking of the Middle Ages, we encounter numerous variations in this area, which have a great influence on their classification; An additional difficulty is presented by the various types of pommels and crosses, or lower guards, as we have called them until now. Now this part is usually called a cross member; this term came into use only in the 16th century. There is no evidence of any use of the word in the Middle Ages, when this part of the sword was commonly called the crosspiece, and sometimes, perhaps going back to an earlier variant, the hilt. Between the IV and XI centuries. the shape of this detail changed very little, but in the first quarter of the 12th century. very noticeable differences appeared in the areas of shape, size, length and weight - perhaps they were a figment of the master's imagination, since they cannot be classified either by period or by region. Therefore, the appearance of the crossguard of a medieval sword means little when dating; forms that seem to be exclusive to the end of the 15th century can be found as early as the 12th century, and characteristics inherent in swords of the 13th century can be found at the end of the 14th century. However, despite the huge differences in detail, they all fit within the basic types that were used throughout the period between 1100 and 1300. To my simplified typology of swords I have added a brief description of the types of pommels and crosses (Fig. 106 and 113).

Rice. 87. The emperor's squire from the Gospel of Otto III. 983–991 Munich

In listing the types of swords, I will begin right where the Viking swords left off, since the development of weapons of the medieval period began directly from them. Thus, the first point in this typology will be numbered X. It represents the result of a further development of type VIII with minor modifications. This sword has been used since the end of the 10th century. and, possibly, until the first quarter of the 13th century. The pommel here is shaped like a Brazil nut, the rather wide crossguard is almost always straight (although there are a few curved examples), and the blade is wide, the same shape as Ulfbert's swords, with a wide, shallow groove. Early examples have iron inscribed letters as large as those for the inscriptions "Ingelrii" and "Ulfberht", but with one notable difference: on the side opposite to that on which the name of the blacksmith is inlaid, instead of the ancient patterns of lines and diagonal crosses or others, a new motto appears: “INNOMINEDOMINI”. It has often been misspelled or distorted, but it clearly points to the time when Christianity took over the old gods of the north. The Archaeological Museum at Cambridge contains a fine sword of this type; it was made by a craftsman named Konsteinin (the name is written in large, straggly Viking-era letters), and on the reverse side there is a prayer in a similar font. There are two reliable starting points for dating this object: one in the form of a drawing and the other from the field of archaeology. The first is contained in the Gospel of Otto III, a very beautiful manuscript that was created in Reichenau in 983-991; it depicts a warrior holding a sword while the emperor, who has ascended the throne, takes the oath of four nations (Fig. 87). An archaeological confirmation of the correct dating is a sword from Dresden with the name INGELRII on one side and the phrase "HOMO DEI" on the other, which dates back to 1100. Judging by my own sword with the mark "Caroccium", it can be called the 11th century, but this is less reliable certificate.

Type XI, which appears to have been popular between (approximately) 1120 and 1200, shows a completely different style of blade making, thinner and quite elegant, often longer than its predecessors. It always has a narrow, well-defined fuller that begins just inside the handle, at the tang, and ends an inch or two from the tip. Many of these blades bear inscriptions of very finely laid out iron letters in the style of "Homo Dei", but on many there are also another type of inscriptions, of very neatly laid out letters, with beautiful outlines, formed by pieces of wire made of white or yellow metal - silver, tin or copper (not gold, as one might assume). They were simple and pure, the letters spaced widely apart, and forming a religious invocation, such as "BENEDICTUS DEUS MEUS," or "SES (Sanctus) PETRNUS," or "IN NOMINE DOMINI." The blacksmith's name did not appear again; both sides of the sword were given to shrines.

Most Type XI swords have a rounded, shortened Brazil nut pommel, but many have a disc-shaped pommel. There are at least two starting points for confirming the dating: a sword found at the site of a battle between Henry II and the Earl of Lancaster in 1171 (Fornham, Norfolk, plate 6, d), which has a disc-shaped tip, and inscriptions , sounding like "SES BENEDICTAS" and "IN NOMINE DOMINI", with a small mark of a raised hand at the edge of each phrase. The second is a majestic weapon, which until recently was one of the royal regalia of the empire. It is known (God knows why) as the sword of St. Maurice, is in unusually good condition and is kept in the imperial treasury of Vienna (inset, photo 8, a). Its value as a dating aid is given by the engravings on the thick layer of silver on the pommel: on one side are the three leopards of England, and on the other the coat of arms of Emperor Otto IV. This gives us the opportunity to determine the time of manufacture - 1200–1214, since the agreement of cooperation between Otgon and King John, concluded against Philip Augustus of France, lasted until he and his allies were defeated in 1214 at Bovigny .

Type XII, which dates from 1180–1320, features a large blade, very similar in shape to Ulfbert's blades, but for the most part with a more pointed tip, and a strongly pronounced and slightly wider fuller; sometimes two or more small grooves are present. The pommel usually has the shape of a thick disk, sometimes with the ends down, and sometimes in the shape of a so-called wheel. The cross is most often straight, round in cross-section and flaring at the ends, but there are also examples with a square cross-section or curved, with decorative elements at the ends. The inscriptions on swords made after 1200 are again somewhat different from the rest: the letters are located closer together, sometimes so close that they are almost impossible to distinguish; and instead of legible religious slogans there is a bunch of repeated letters that look completely meaningless.

Rice. 88. Sword of Dietrich von Bren. Cathedral in Nymburg

The exact dating of this type of sword is provided by two specimens found in a stream at the site of a battle that took place in 1234 near Oldenburg, and by another extremely interesting specimen, which preserved a leather scabbard, belt fastenings and a rope braided hilt. It was found near the body of one of the sons of King Alfonso the Wise of Spain, Fernando de la Cerda (1270), when his crypt was opened in 1943 (inset, photo 9, c). There are countless sculptures and manuscript paintings that depict this type of sword, but one of them needs to be described here. In Fig. 88 you see the majestic figure of Count Dietrich von Bren, one of the donors of Nymburg Cathedral, with a sword in his hand, created around 1265. The pommel of the sword is made in one of the rarest styles. A sword with the same pommel was found in Hungary, and in the Cambridge Archaeological Museum there is another specimen very similar to this one.

Rice. 89. Figure from the Apocalypse of St. John. England. 1300

Many excellent images of the Type XII sword can be seen in the Maciejowski Bible, one of the best sources of information on 13th-century military equipment, from ballistae to tent pegs. This is a beautifully illustrated Old Testament, created around 1250; More than one artist worked on it, and they are all good, but one is significantly superior to his comrades and was probably once a soldier, since, without practical experience, no one could depict the equipment, manners and actions of soldiers so vividly and accurately. Most of the swords that he painted belong to the XII type, and almost all the variants of pommels and crosses, which were mainly used in the 13th century, are shown. (insert, photo 11, a). This book is known as Maciejowski's Bible because in the 17th century. belonged to a certain Polish cardinal Bernard Maciejowski. He presented it to the Persian Shah Abbas, and over time it ended up in the Pierpont Morgan Library in New York.

Rice. 90. “Sword of War” from the Apocalypse of St. John. England. 1300

Type XIII swords have an impressive, highly individual shape: some are very large - "swords of war" as they were called at the height of their popularity, around 1280–1340. These Episodes de Guerre are massive weapons, but should not be confused with two-handed swords. As early as 1350, several such specimens existed, but they were noticeably larger and were always called Episodes a deux Mains or even Twahandswerds. The “sword of war” had a blade 36–40 inches long, with a very long hilt (6–8 inches between the cross and the pommel), but it could be fought with one hand, although the hilt is quite suitable for two. Most of the XIII type swords are of this size, but there are also a few examples of a more familiar type, although their hilts are still unusually long in relation to the blade. They are wide and flat, the edges running almost parallel to a spatula-shaped point; This may seem ugly and awkward, but this is somewhat counteracted by a slight but very noticeable flare below the handle, which makes them excellent at doing the job they were designed for: delivering unusually wide, slow, sweeping cutting strokes from a horse. Apparently, this type was characteristic of Germany, although many illustrations of this can be found on the pages of English manuscripts from the late 13th to 14th centuries. A very good specimen of this type was discovered in England, in the Thames near Temple, but, unfortunately, it cannot be used as a starting point for dating (inset, photo 7, c). However, in the Danish National Museum in Copenhagen there is an almost identical sword that was found at the site of the Battle of Nonnaberg, which took place in 1340, which means it was made before that time. Both swords are very large: the blade of the London one is 39 inches long with a hilt of 7 inches. The Danish sword is about the same size, with an inch or so difference; both have very heavy “wheeled” pommels. In the center of this detail, the London sword has a small cross lined with copper. It is widely believed among continental scholars that the owner of a sword with such a pommel must have belonged to one of the military orders. There is some evidence to suggest that the Thames weapon may have belonged to a Templar.

Rice. 91. Drawing from the “Alfonso Psalter”. Before 1284 British Museum

In English manuscripts of the first years of the 14th century. There are several excellent pictures of these swords, two of which I have reproduced in Fig. 89 and 90. Another, earlier one can be seen in a charming little drawing depicting a fight between a knight and a giant, on one of the pages of the psalter copied for the eldest son of Edward I of England, named Alfonso, who died in 1284. The sword is so accurately written (Fig. 91) that it can safely be used as a starting point for dating other items of the same type, since it is known that the manuscript was completely completed before the death of the prince. This charming little picture can be seen in the British Museum, as the book in which it is included is one of the few exhibits of its kind on display, and is always open to the page containing the picture.

Rice. 92. Figure on the tomb of Edmund, Earl of Lancaster. 1296. Westminster Abbey

Almost every Germanic warrior tomb plaque depicts one of these large swords, and several have been found at similar sites in England (eg Astbury, Cheshire). One of the excellent examples found on an English tomb is rather difficult to see (Fig. 92): a tiny figure of a horseman, located high on the roof of the crypt of Edmund the Crusader, in Westminster Abbey (he was the second son of Henry III and held the title of Earl of Lancaster. Died 1296 G.).

Rice. 93. Sword hilt from the image of Robert d'Artois in the Abbey of Saint Denis. 1319.

Type XIV is very different from the others; Usually it is a very short sword with a wide and flat cone-shaped blade, equipped with a fuller in the upper part (inset, photo 16, a). The crosspiece is usually long, thin and curved, the pommel is shaped like a wheel, but very flat and wide. Not many examples of this type survive, but in their time (ca. 1280–1320) sculptors and painters depicted them perhaps more often than any other. I don't know of an actual sword that could serve as a starting point for dating, either by the circumstances in which it was found or by the known owner, so I have to rely only on images. To begin with, about eight out of ten memorial tablets in England 1290-1330. swords of this type are depicted (although in some cases it is difficult to be sure because the hilt is often missing from the drawings; however, short, tapered blades are clearly visible). Then, almost all similar objects from Alsace and Lorraine, which date from 1300–1330, depict such swords. A particularly good example is found on the memorial tablet of Robert d'Artois (1319) at Saint Denis (Fig. 93). On the base of the tomb of Edmund of Lancaster in Westminster Abbey there is something like a frieze of painted knights, all with Type XIV swords; in addition, on one of the most famous plaques in the country, that of Sir Robert de Burgh, which is in Suffolk (he died in 1302), there is another image (Fig. 94).

Rice. 94. Sword hilt from Robert de Burgh's plaque. 1302

Although one or two of these objects were found in Germany (in the ground and on sculptures), this style mainly belongs to Italy, and, judging by numerous sculptures and drawings, was also widespread in France and England. A well-known copy of Italian origin is in the hands of one of the figures in the covered gallery of the Convent of Annunziata, Florence. This sculpture has gained great fame because it contains the earliest (circa 1320) depiction of a piece of plate armor worn on the legs. We will go into more detail on this aspect later. It is worth noting that from the earliest times in the south of Europe, preference was given to the fighting style using piercing weapons, while the northerners and Teutons preferred slashing weapons. For example, very few Hallstatt swords have been found in Italy, while in the last phase of this period the short bronze stabbing sword, invented there, gradually replaced the long Hallstatt examples. In exactly the same way in the middle of the 16th century. The Italians invented the long, thin rapier. During the 14th–15th centuries, as can be seen, Italian-made swords were equally well suited for stabbing and slashing. Although the Teutons openly favored chopping, fencing was certainly on display during sword fighting. In Fig. 95, "The Victory of Humility over Pride" from The Mirror of the Young Maiden, created about 1200, is a very vivid description of a trick useful in combat; In addition, there are several equally compelling stories about effective fencing techniques. Sometimes we see (and read about it) that the sword was tucked under the right armpit and used as a spear.

Rice. 95. “The Victory of Humility over Pride” from “The Mirror of a Young Maiden.” Approx. 1200

Before you start reviewing various types pommels and crosspieces, something must be said about the blades: for the most part, the differences in shape are almost subtle, especially when it comes to types XII and XIV; Some of the surviving swords cannot be attributed to any one type at all, since the shape of the blade has completely changed either from metal corrosion or from repeated sharpening. If such blades have a smith's mark or inscriptions, they can sometimes be classified, but not too many of them are equipped with these means of analysis. In addition, it must be remembered that a certain type (especially XIII and XIV) was produced over a long period of time. For example, in the last decades of the 15th century. Type XIII has again gained great popularity, so much so that many old blades from swords of the 14th century. again mounted on fashionable handles. Type XIV was also found in the middle of the 15th century. In general, the difference between these later swords and their earlier predecessors is quite noticeable, but all this adds to the confusion that is already great. As I already said, this generally poses a problem, and sometimes dating items becomes an almost impossible task.

The inscriptions on the hilt or blade are the best indication of the time of manufacture, since both the content and shape of the letters that composed them changed over the years. The styles of these inscriptions are as many and varied as the shapes of the pommels and crosses, but there are basic fashion trends according to which they can be classified. The first to appear after the ancient inscriptions of the Viking Age lined with iron wire were inlays with small iron letters in the manner of “Homo dei” from the Dresden sword. There is a small group of items with such inscriptions on both sides of the blade, and these are the last where the name of the smith can be found; it was not written again until the 16th century. Each blade has the phrase +INNOMINEDOMINI+ on one side and +GICELINMEFECIT+ on the other. Gicelin is possibly a variant of the origin of the name Jocelin, which in the Middle Ages was also pronounced as Goselin or Ghiselin. Nothing is known about this person; his origins are as obscure as those of Ulfbert and Ingelri; the only memory of him remained only five swords. Unlike the products of the other two workshops, all blades have the same inscriptions (name on one side and slogan on the other), and they all belong to type XI. A until recently unknown specimen (the best of all) lies before me as I write these lines. It was acquired (alas, not by me) under circumstances that amount to exceptional luck; it's just a collector's dream, which, unfortunately, too rarely comes true. However, fortunately, such accidents do happen, and we owe many amazing finds to them. An example of this is a story that I must tell in this book.

Rice. 96. Zoomorphic heads: a - from the crossguard of a sword of the 12th century. “Shaftesbury”, b - from a 6th century hilt found in a grave in Finnestorp (Sweden)

In the spring of 1958, a friend of mine bought several books in Shaftesbury. While he was waiting for his purchase to be wrapped, he noticed a bunch of 19th-century swords standing in a dark corner, leaning against an umbrella stand. Since my friend is interested in swords of any period, he went to take a closer look and in the middle saw a black walnut-shaped pommel and a straight crossguard of a sword that clearly belonged to the Middle Ages. He asked about the price of the whole bunch and was told about a sum that was not excessive for fourteen swords of the 19th century - something like 7 shillings and six pence apiece. After a well-played pause, which suggested reflection, the money changed hands, and the bundle of swords went to his car, in which he drove a little along a country road, stopped and freed the black sword from such an inappropriate neighborhood. It is not difficult to imagine his joy at the sight of his new acquisition. Even then, he could not fully understand what kind of rare and beautiful weapon he received (inset, photo 6, c, 8, b, Fig. 96 and 98).

Rice. 97. Head covered with ornaments. National Museum of Ireland. Note the similarity to Fig. 96, a

A few weeks later he brought it to me for more detailed examination. By this time, the inscriptions could no longer be read, although it was obvious that letters were laid out on the blade. The crosspiece, with its ends sharply lowered down, had a shape that was rarely found in the 12th century. (except in illustrations for manuscripts), although it is quite typical for the 14th and 15th centuries. The final elements of the crosspiece were even more unique: each of them was simply but artistically rounded to form the head of an animal (Fig. 96 and inset, photo 8, b). These images and the style of coinage on them came directly from the ancient zoomorphic pommels of Norway from Type III (5th century) swords. Several virtually identical examples exist, made in the same manner and with similarly spaced striking nicks. The Charlemagne sword in the Louvre also has similar, although more complex, cross-piece completions. And as if all this were not enough, on the pommel there was still quite a bit of most of gilding The exact location where this sword was found is unknown, but there is no doubt that it was made somewhere near the place of sale. I cleaned the sword (not too much though); It had a nice black and blue patina on it, but there was quite a bit of rust collecting on top. If it weren't for this, the blade would look like new: there are a few nicks on the blade due to use and uneven sharpening, but the surface is completely intact. I carefully cleaned the inscriptions on each side until the original surface of the steel was free of black deposits; at this stage all that could be seen was that it was composed of small letters lined with iron wire. On one side the letters IN...E were visible, on the other O, but nothing else could be seen. However, after I left the sword alone for a month or so, most of the inscription appeared under the influence of natural causes (Fig. 98). In general, in such cases, the most important thing is to take your time and act very carefully. Inept cleaning can completely destroy an ancient blade, not to mention the inscription on it, so you must always act with the utmost care.


Rice. 98. Inscriptions carved on the blade of the Shaftesbury sword

There are three other swords in England with such fine iron inlays, both of Type XI, and several more are on the Continent. Two are kept in Lincoln: the first appeared earlier than all the products from this group, it was found in 1788 in the river. Witham. It is similar in shape to the Fornham sword, although it weighs somewhat less; This weapon dates back to approximately the middle of the 12th century. and may be a relic of Stephen's Battle of Lincoln in 1141. The surface of the blade is so badly corroded that only a few letters can be discerned from the entire inscription on one side, the sword being broken right here. In ancient times they tried to repair it by attaching two-thirds of another blade (of much worse quality) to the fragment in the same way that a patch was applied to the blade from my collection. Another sword is also kept in the Lincoln Museum, but it was bought in London and its origin is unknown. The weapon is in good condition, but the inscription is difficult to make out. I have tried this without success, but I am confident that with patience and time it is quite possible to succeed. The third is a magnificent blade that has been in a private collection for the last seventy years or more and has been written about many times (in virtually every work on weapons written in English over the past half century, regardless of its size), but the content of the inscription is not was never given. Photographs clearly show that it exists and reads "INNOMINEDOMINI", but no writer has ever mentioned either this inscription or the one on the other side of the blade. Something can certainly be seen, because the sword is in almost perfect condition. Here is another example of the indifference with which English scientists treat medieval blades. Unfortunately, I was never able to see the sword, so I cannot add anything to the existing information.


Rice. 99

Some of the Type XI swords bear religious slogans inscribed in white or yellow metal, and the most famous of these is on the blade of the sword from Fornhem (made before 1171), but there is another in the National Museum in Copenhagen with a similar inscription and a hilt similar to the so-called sword of St. Maurice from Vienna. It is made in the same style as on the Fornham sword, and the slogans are very similar: on one is written "SANCTUS PETRNUS", on the other - "BENEDICATNTIUS ET MAT" (Fig. 99). However, as for the second, the spelling here is not entirely clear and, apparently, is a transitional stage to the abbreviations that began to be used in the 13th century. With their introduction, reading the inscriptions became extremely difficult. Apparently, they were either intended only to invoke the blessing of the heavenly patron on the owner, without forcing him to delve into the meaning of what was written, or were simply clear to everyone in the first letters; knowledge that we cannot boast of. Thus, it is not always possible to determine the meaning of a complex abbreviation - in some cases one has to be content with unsubstantiated guesses.


Rice. 100

The first group of these abbreviations is based on the letters ABOUT And S. Most of them are very small and simply consist of combinations of "OSO" or "SOS" or sometimes a big "o" and a small "s" next to it. Some of them are so large that they are difficult to read; sometimes the height of the letters does not exceed [ inches, and they are lined exclusively with thin silver or copper wire, which easily disappears on a corroded or patinated surface. There are several larger and more elaborate inscriptions of the same type, and these give a clue to the meaning of the former. On each side of the blade of the sword found in the river. Rin in Pomerania (it dates from the first half of the 13th century, i.e. it is a very late example of Type X), there is an exceptionally beautiful inscription. On one side there is a pattern of climbing stalks (Fig. 100), made in the same manner as the designs in the manuscripts, and practically the same as the patterns on the lower guards of some Frankish type V swords. On the other side are the letters that make up the word "SOSMENCRSOS". N, C and R joined together so that the front stick of the letter N forms the back of a letter R, A WITH forms a small loop at the top; around the legs M And N tiny ones entwined S, others are contained within the letter ABOUT. This inscription is a small work of art, all the letters are in excellent shape and stand out perfectly against the thick black patina on the surface of the blade. ABOUT And S can be understood as "O Sancta"; it wouldn't be too bold to suggest that M- the initial letter of the name Maria, a CR means "Cristas"; EN can be deciphered as "Eripe Nos": as the psalmist says (Psalm 30:16) in "Eripe me de manu inimicorum meorum." Thus, the whole slogan can mean an appeal to Christ and His Mother asking for help in battle. This is a feature quite characteristic of the Middle Ages, which may seem rather strange to Christians of a later period. However, the knights were confident that for the sake of a just cause, Christ would not only forgive them the sin of murder, but would also help them commit it.

Rice. 101

Another inscription on a sword from this group, even better preserved, is on the blade, which is traditionally considered a relic of St. Ferdinand. Here we see four letters I, separated by climbing stems (Fig. 101), and NONON and S, crossing the diagonal bar with a median N. This is usually considered a kind of alliteration, a motto that reads "Si, Si, No Non", meaning "Let your yes be a yes and your no a no" but this does not correspond to the general spirit that reigned at that time. Moreover, the first inscription consists of only four I; the drawing that separates them is not S, and in the part NONON S, on the contrary, it is present. No, I believe that this inscription means "Iesus", and the remaining letters - "O Nomine Sancti: O Nomine Sancti Iesu"; in this form the inscription makes sense and is quite consistent with the emotions that prevailed in the 13th century. Religious slogans are found so often at this time that an inscription that does not relate to them would fall too far out of the general series; It is doubtful that the master would not call upon his blade and its future owner the blessing of one of the patron saints.

Rice. 102

Later in the century, the inscriptions on swords became long and seemingly meaningless strings of letters, although they nevertheless must have constituted some kind of statement, of a religious, or perhaps cabalistic nature. The sword from the site of the Battle of Altenes bears a well-preserved (and excellently executed) inscription, to which a certain meaning has still been attributed (Fig. 102). It was believed that the letters composing it were the capital letters of the phrase "Nomine Eterni Dei Regis Caeli: Nomine Eterni Dei Regis Universi: Sancti Dei Regis Caeli: Nomine Eterni Dei Regis Universi Initiatus."

Many swords (in most cases belonging to types XII and XIII) had inscriptions of the same kind, and quite often they contained letters repeated several times in a row NED or Die; they are usually indecipherable because all the periodic parts are different from each other and cannot be classified or made into a meaningful phrase.

By the end of the 13th century. and at the beginning of the XIV century. these long inscriptions gave way to shorter ones, mostly consisting of three or four letters, located at a great distance from each other so as to occupy the entire length of the valley.

The Düsseldorf Museum houses a 13th-century sword. with an inscription of a completely different type: it is lined with small silver letters (less than 3 inches in height), which form four completely correctly written moral mottos or proverbs in Latin: “Qui falsitate vivit animam occidit. Falsus in ore, caret honore*.(A treacherous man destroys his soul, and a liar his honor.) And on the other side: “Qui est hilaris dator, hunc amat Salvator. Omnis avarus, nulli est caruus."(The Savior loves generous donors, but no one needs a miser.) The style of writing here is reminiscent of the letters on a sword from the British Museum, which was found on Canwick Common in Norfolk; however, there they are just a repeating set of letters: “ANTANANTANANTAN...” Both inscriptions are interesting in that they are read from the tip of the sword towards the hilt, unlike most other similar phrases of the medieval period. In both inscriptions, the small silver letters are completely identical, so much so that one is tempted to assume that both swords were forged in the same workshop.

In addition, there is something strange about this weapon: it has always been attributed to the Viking Age. It must be said that the five-part pommel and the short, thick crosspiece fully justify this assumption. The pommel does resemble Viking wares (somewhere between types IV and VI), but certain differences would make it difficult to assign it to one of the corresponding groups. On the other hand, the crosspiece is identical, for example, to the same detail of a 10th century sword found in Poland, belonging to type VII. However, the blade with its narrow fuller and inscription clearly has nothing to do with the Vikings; This is one of the extremely rare examples of a style of pommel making preserved from more ancient times, which continued to be loved in the British Isles (as well as in Scandinavia) until the beginning of the 14th century.

Another fine example of the same rare species- this is a sword that was found about a hundred years ago in the river. Trent at Cawood Castle. For several years it was in the armory of the Tower of London, and then, unfortunately, it was sold in 1956 (the weapon went down in auction history as the most expensive medieval sword of that generation), and now it is in a private collection (inset, photo 18, c). This beautiful, well-preserved blade bears an inscription (from the group NED), which resembles a 13th century blade. with a more familiar pommel, found in the old fortress moat of the city of Perleberg, in Germany. These subdivided pommels can be seen on many British plaques made between 1250 and 1320; for the most part they were made in the north and east of the country, where Danish influence was strong.

Thus, we have already gone quite far from the rhyming verses of the inscription from Düsseldorf. This is the kind of thing you would expect to see on an Elizabethan blade, not one from the reign of Edward I, but although it appears to be unique in form, there is another somewhat similar example. This is a huge sword (the length of the blade is more than four feet), which in the 16th century. found near Mansfeld, Germany. “Carrying sword” is a weapon similar in size and application to blades, which occupied an honorable place among the regalia of many cities, but in the Middle Ages, individuals, most often noble nobles, had special swords of outstanding size, which were carried in front of them everywhere , wherever they go. Thus, Froisard talks about a squire whom the Count of Flanders severely punished for ordering him to carry such a weapon in front of him.

On the blade of this majestic object there is the following inscription in German, consisting of four parts:

The meaning of these words is unclear, but their rhyming style is somewhat reminiscent of the Düsseldorf example, and the name of Conrad von Winterstätter is easy enough to read. This is a historical figure: a great baron who was in great favor with Emperor Frederick. It is perhaps not surprising that a sword made for ceremonial use is decorated with poems complimenting its future owner.

Despite the decorated and inscribed pommel and crossguard, the sword was an ordinary military weapon. The inscription "Gladius Rotgieri", which is located on the blade of a fine sword of type XII, dates back to approximately 1300. It is possible that in very rare cases the name of the owner was written on the sword; one or two similar cases can be found in the illustrations of the manuscripts. For example, in the Aeneid of Duke von Veldeke, the same name was written on the sword with which poor Dido was pierced; A sandstone bas-relief from the late 11th century in Zurich depicts a battle scene in which a warrior is pierced with a sword with a blade on which the inscription "GUIDO" can be clearly seen.

Rice. 103

There are several more significant examples of how the drawings depicted inscriptions similar to those we see on real blades. A very well made Tragaltar (a sort of small portable altar) of gilded copper, dating from 1118. Rodkerus Helmeshausen (now kept in the Franciscan church in Paderborn), decorated with an engraving with a live series of scenes of the martyrdom of St. Felix and Blasius. They were executed with swords, and Rodkerus provided the killers with weapons with Brazil nut pommels and inscriptions or marks similar to those we find on the back of Ulfbert's blades - a design of intertwined ribbons, the cross of St. Andrew between two sets of vertical strokes, marks 0+0 etc. Another fairly similar example, although of a later date, is the sword in the hand of a knight on the copper plaque of William Wenemeyer (1325) in Ghent, dating to the early 14th century. His weapon is naked (Fig. 103), and on the blade are visible words written in the style of a Düsseldorf blade: “HORREBANT DUDUM REPROBI ME CERNERE NUDUM”, which can be loosely translated as “The evil ones shake when they take me out of their scabbard.”

Most of these inscriptions have marks at each end; the earliest can be considered a simple cross, as on the blades of Ulfbert; later (for example, on Gigelin’s products) the image becomes more complex; on early silver and brass inscriptions the cross is sometimes accompanied by another mark - like the small hand on the Fornham sword. At the intersection of the XII and XIII centuries. these final marks began to become more complex. There is a sword made about 1200 of Type XII, the inscription on which belongs to the same group as the Fornham one (Fig. 104). Here the terminal crosses are transformed into decorative motifs; the sword from the battlefield of Altenes (see Fig. 102) has almost the same elements, but the style of the inscription itself belongs to the next period. Later inscriptions from the group NED, like others, with repeating Die, equipped with decorations that are definitely a more complicated version of the previous, simpler forms.

Rice. 104

Some of these marks have a different origin: once or twice we came across heraldic inlays - for example, a lion and an eagle on a very beautiful sword from the group DIG, which is kept in the Pomeranian Museum of Archeology in Stettin (circa 1270). On new blades of the late XII - early XIII centuries. depicts birds in flight; the souls of faithful Christians were often depicted as birds that fly to the chest of the church in search of protection from the devil's machinations. There is not the slightest doubt that the blade of the sword was considered a suitable place for such birds, since the weapon was very successful in freeing souls from the mortal coil. I believe that they should be viewed from this point of view, and not as heraldic animals. Where heraldry was intended to be used, the corresponding forms were also taken. The symbolism that was so loved in knightly times is clearly visible here, which should not be forgotten when studying weapons. As one of the favorite objects of a warrior, the sword bore all the signs in the development of culture - and now we meet a half-religious and half-mystical symbol, the meaning of which is difficult to mistake.

Rice. 105. Marks of blacksmiths from Passau: a - “running wolf” and b - “unicorn”

In the 13th century. gunsmiths again began to put their personal marks on blades. It is necessary to distinguish a trademark from a religious symbol; for example, the images in the circle belong to the religious calls of the group “O Sancta”; a cross within a circle would seem to belong to the same class, but in reality it is the same mark as the ancient symbol of the Bronze Age, and was used throughout the subsequent era until the 5th or 6th century. It suddenly became popular again after falling out of use for 800 years, and from about 1250 the mark was placed on many blades. It is difficult to make a clear distinction between a trademark and religious symbolism; for example, a heart (with or without a circle) could be both, however, if we meet a helmet, shield or sword (such an image is laid out on a blade of type XIII, inset, photo 7, c), or the head of a bull (sword ca. 1300, Copenhagen), or the famous “Wolf” mark, which was first discovered on blades in the 13th century - there is no longer any doubt about it. It is easy to confuse the Passau “Wolf” mark with another, with the image of a unicorn, since both animals are depicted with just a few light strokes, and even just to distinguish them requires a keen eye. Those examples of unicorns that I saw differ from images of a wolf only by a long straight line in front (Fig. 105). A rarer brand in the same category is the Pelican. Early craftsman's marks are laid out in thin lines of white or yellow wire in the same manner as inscriptions, rather than stamped into the metal as was done in the Roman Iron Age. This style came into use again later, at the end of the 13th century.


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The study of inscriptions on medieval weapons presents interesting story about the mentality and beliefs of both the knights who carried these weapons and the craftsmen who made them. The mystical meaning of these inscriptions was important for the knights participating in crusades and in numerous wars of that turbulent time. The sword was a symbol of justice, protection of Christian ideals, peace and tranquility of citizens. They prayed for them, took an oath, made vows. Sometimes the pommel of the handle contained holy relics. Famous swords had their own names. King Arthur's sword was named Excalibur, had magical properties and could heal wounds.

“D NE QVIA VIM PATIOR RESPONDE PRO ME” was translated from Latin as follows: “Lord! So that I do not suffer offense, answer for me.” The first D stands for DOMINE for short. This inscription is derived from a quotation from the Bible Libri Isaiae Capitis XXXVIII versum XIV
DOMINE VIM PATIOR RESPONDE PRO ME
However, often the inscriptions were abbreviated, with the initial letters of religious sayings. Illiterate knights participating in the crusades memorized the words of prayers from the first letters engraved on their swords. This way they could say a prayer before the battle. Let's say:
DIOLAGR reads: “D(e)I O(mnipotentis) LA(us) G(enitricis) R(edemptoris).” Translated from Latin, this means “GLORY to Almighty God, mother of the Redeemer.” Another composition ININININININ, despite the abundance of signs, is much simpler and means: I(esu) N(omine), I(esu) N(omine), I(esu) N(omine) and three more repetitions. The text is translated as “In the name of Jesus, in the name of Jesus, in the name of Jesus...” and three more times. The cryptography SNEMENTS means: S(ankta) N(omin)E M(atris) E(nimo)N T(rinita)S - “Holy In the name of the Mother of God in the name of the Trinity.”
IHS (Jesus Homini Salvator) or the letters S, O, X used separately (Salvator - Savior, Omnipotentes - Almighty, Xristus - Christ).


IN NOMINE DOMINI (In the name of the Lord)
SOLI DEO GLORIA (Only for the glory of God)
USSU TUO DOMINE (By your command, Lord)
IN TI DOMINI (In your name, Lord)
IN DEO GLORIA (For the glory of God)
PRO DEO ET RELIGIONE VERA (For God and true religion)
IVDICA DOMINE NOCENTES ME EXPUGNA IMPUGNATES ME, representing the first stanza of Psalm 34: “Judge, O Lord, those who contend with me, fight those who contend with me.”
FIDE SED CUI VIDE (Believe, but be careful who you believe)
ELECTIS CANCIONATUR DEO GLORIA DATUR (The elect sing and give glory to the Lord)
PAX PARTA TUENDA (An equal peace must be preserved)
ROMANIS SACRIFICATUR PARAE GLORIA DATUR (Prayer is offered by the Romans and the Pope is glorified)


Later, when the sword came into use as an indispensable attribute of a noble family, which was worn constantly, and which meant readiness to defend honor and dignity at any moment, another kind of inscription appeared:
VINCERE AUT MORI (Win or Die)
INTER ARMA SILENT LEGES (Laws are silent among weapons)
FIDE, SED CUI VIDE (Believe, but see who)

Some Latin mottos can be classified as moral and ethical instructions. Let's say:
TEMERE NEC TIMIDE (Do not insult and do not be afraid),
VIM SUPERAT RATIO (Reason overcomes strength)
HOCTANGI MORTI FERRUM (Touch with this iron is deadly)
RECTE FACIENDO NEMINEM TIMEAS (Fear nothing, doing the right thing)


There are inscriptions in national European languages, often meaning mottos:
Ne te tire pas sans raison ne me remette point sans honneur (Don't bare me unnecessarily, don't sheath me without honor)
Honni soit qui mal y pense (Shame on anyone who thinks badly about it)
Dieu mon esperance, Iéré pour ma defence (God is my hope, the sword is my defense).

Often the inscriptions on weapons are of a mixed nature, reflecting the new ideology of the absolutist monarchy:
PRO GLORIA ET PATRIA (For Glory and Fatherland)
PRO DEO ET PATRIA (For God and Fatherland)
VIVAT REX (Long Live the King)


There were also frequent poetic inscriptions, characteristic only of these execution instruments: Die hersen Steiiren Demvnheil
Jch ExeQuire Jhr Vrtheil
Wandem sunder wirt abgesagt das leben
Sowirt er mir vnter meine handt gegeben
(Hearts rule misery
I carry out your sentence
A sinner when his life is taken
Then it is handed over to me).

Other inscriptions on the blades:
“Cuando esta vivora pica, No hay remedio en la botica” (there is no medicine for this viper in the pharmacy). Inscription on the navaja, given to Stalin by the Spanish Republicans.

"Die evildoer by my hand." Inscription on a hunting dagger. Zlatoust, 1880s.

"Meine Ehre heißt Treue" (My honor is called loyalty). motto on SS daggers (Schutz Staffeln)

"Mort aux boches" (Death is unchure). Boche is a French disparaging/foul-mouthed name for Germans. Inscriptions on the blades of the French resistance.
“Beware of false friends yourself, but I will save you from enemies.” Latin inscription on the saber of the Polish king John Sobieski
“In truth there is strength” inscription on the saber of lame Timur
Melius non incipient, quam desinent -
It's better not to start than to stop halfway
Serva me - servabo te - save me - I will save you
Mehr sein als scheinen - Be better than you seem
Oderint, dum metuant. - Let them hate - they were too afraid.
“Don’t take it out without need, don’t invest it without glory”
“Do not swear an oath without faith; having sworn an oath, believe” is one of the many mottos on Cossack checkers.
“In hostem omnia licita.” - In relation to the enemy, everything is permitted. (Latin)
In omnia paratus – ready for anything
Ultima ratio - the final argument

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