How does the socialist doctrine of populism differ from others? Revolutionary populism in Russia. Populism. Its main currents

Populism: political doctrines and revolutionary activities

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student 1-AIT-2

Frolova E.N.

Samara 2010

Introduction

Classical populism, which arose in the 60s of the 19th century, reached its culmination in the 70s. The first political organization to officially call itself a party was, as you know, “People's Will” (1879). Previously, parties were called, in imitation of the West, court groups or circles of guards officers. The mass movement of the various intelligentsia into the “people” took the most various shapes(oral propaganda, resettlement in the countryside, individual terror) and was characterized by high organization. The most severe secrecy and strict discipline distinguished the populist organizations “Land and Freedom” (1876), “Black Redistribution” (1878), and “People’s Will” (1879). The highest point, which was also the collapse of classical populism, was the assassination of Tsar Alexander II by members of Narodnaya Volya in 1881 (the killer was A. Grinevetsky).

The historical merits of classical populism include the search for a grounded, original path of development of Russia, the desire to make the people the subject of historical creativity. The populists, as you know, sought to solve the problem of involving the people (“soil”) in active work by various means: “going to the people”, creating peasant settlements, propagating their ideas, immediate rebellion, etc. The populists were able to create political organizations capable of resisting the tsarist secret services (“Land and Freedom”, and especially “People’s Will”, which, thanks to high discipline, secrecy, carried out its activities for three years).

However, the doctrine of populism was erroneous primarily because it absolutized the archaic forms of economic and spiritual life of the Russian people. Its main ideologists - N. Chernyshevsky and A. Herzen - considered the peasant community to be the main unit of the future just socialist system. Terror occupied a significant place in the activities of the populists at all stages of the movement. The main reasons for the increased activity of terrorists were, firstly, unsuccessful attempts to “awaken society”, and secondly, the repressive, harsh policies of the autocracy. For example, in the winter of 1878-1879 alone, over two thousand people were arrested in St. Petersburg; Odessa Governor-General E. Gotleben sent populists into exile by train. Between 1877 and 1882, 30 revolutionaries were executed. There were cases when people were hanged simply because proclamations of “Narodnaya Volya” were found during a search. And yet, the Narodniks’ commitment to terrorism could not but cause condemnation of their activities by society, and, ultimately, led the movement to historical collapse. Populist organizations emerged from time to time in the 1980s. In the 90s, the ideas of the populists were adopted by new parties who called themselves socialist-revolutionaries. The largest of them are the "Union of Socialists-Revolutionaries", "Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries", "Workers' Party for the Political Liberation of Russia".

“Populism,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “is the ideology (system of views) of peasant democracy in Russia.” Populism combined the ideas of utopian socialism with the demand of the peasantry, interested in the destruction of landowners' estates. He opposed both serfdom and the bourgeois development of society. Since its inception, two currents have emerged in populism - revolutionary and liberal. Revolutionaries main goal were seen in the organization of the peasant revolution during the 60-80s. strived for it in various ways. Liberal populists, operating legally, sought peaceful forms of transition to socialism. Liberal populism did not play a significant role until the 80s, when it became the dominant trend. Representatives of many nationalities of Russia took part in the populist movement. Populist ideology was uniquely refracted in the conditions of Ukraine, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, Poland and other regions. Populism was not a purely Russian phenomenon. A similar form of ideology was also characteristic of other countries that took the path of capitalist development late.

Ideology

Populism represents a special type of utopian socialism, characteristic of countries with a predominance of agricultural production and a peasant population, with weak industrial development. By the time populism arose in the advanced countries of Europe, capitalism had already reached the stage of development when the fundamental socio-political contradictions of bourgeois society were revealed. The bourgeois-democratic revolutions in these countries, which did not improve the situation of the masses, caused disappointment among the advanced Russian intelligentsia. In this situation, the search began for “special ways” of social reconstruction in Russia, allowing for non-capitalist development for Russia. The belief in the possibility of a direct transition - bypassing capitalism - to the socialist system through the peasant community, which was assigned a special role, constituted the main content of the theory of Russian utopian socialism. Its founders were A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky. “Peasant socialism” was actively promoted by N.P. Ogarev.

Herzen believed that Russia would not repeat all phases of development of European countries. It will move to socialism in an “original” way thanks to the rural community, the liberation of peasants with land, peasant self-government, and the traditional rights of peasants to land. “The man of the future in Russia,” Herzen believed, “is a man, just like a worker in France.” Herzen also noted some negative aspects of the community, but considered them surmountable in the process of establishing socialist ideas among the people. Herzen's theory of communal socialism was developed by Chernyshevsky. He associated the preservation of the Russian community with the slowness of development and backwardness of the country, but at the same time assigned the community a greater positive role subject to radical social transformations: the people’s overthrow of the autocracy, the gratuitous transfer of all land to the peasants, and the combination of communal land ownership with communal industrial production. Thus, the theory of Russian peasant socialism was an attempt to use the community in order, on the one hand, to rouse the peasantry to revolution, and on the other, to preserve the egalitarian principles that existed in the community until the establishment of socialist principles.

60s were the first stage in the development of revolutionary democratic ideology, when the general theoretical principles of peasant socialism were translated into specific programs. Since the late 60s. in the revolutionary movement there was a turn towards “effectiveness”. The question of non-capitalist development moved from the realm of theory to revolutionary practice. The peasant socialist revolution is proclaimed as the immediate goal of the populist movement. The largest ideologists of N. in the 70s. were M.A. Bakunin, P.L. Lavrov, P.N. Tkachev, N.K. Mikhailovsky. Bakunin had a significant influence on the Russian revolutionary movement. Considering the Russian peasant to be a “born” socialist, Bakunin called on young people to immediately prepare a popular uprising against the three main enemies: private property, the state, and the church. Under his direct influence, a rebellious Bakuninist trend emerged in populism. The role of the people in the revolution was recognized as decisive.

The program of the revolutionary populists of the 70s. distinguished by her belief not in a conspiracy, but in a broad popular movement, in a peasant socialist revolution. The struggle for political freedoms was denied, and an indifferent attitude towards forms of state power was promoted. The Kazan demonstration of 1876 opened a series of political acts. In 1878, the southern populists (V.A. Osinsky, the Ivicevich brothers, etc.) switched to terrorist struggle, speaking on behalf of the “Executive Committee of the Russian Social Revolutionary Party.” In liberal circles they started talking about the constitution.

The Narodnaya Volya, like their predecessors, continued to believe in the socialist features of the Russian community, although they already saw the stratification of the countryside, the strengthening of world-eating kulaks, and the strengthening of the bourgeoisie. But they denied the regularity and organic nature of this process: “...In our country the state is not the creation of the bourgeoisie, as in Europe, but on the contrary, the bourgeoisie is created by the state.” The Narodnaya Volya hoped to stop the development of capitalist relations in the country by seizing power and move through the community to a socialist system. A major merit of the Narodnaya Volya members was their struggle to win political freedoms in Russia: demands for a constitution, universal suffrage, freedom of speech, press, gatherings, etc. The Narodnaya Volya members considered their immediate goal to be the overthrow of the tsarist autocracy and the establishment of a democratic republic based on the “will of the people.” Lenin considered the “great historical merit” of the Narodnaya Volya members to be their desire to “... attract all the dissatisfied to their organization and direct this organization to a decisive struggle against the autocracy.” At the same time, Lenin pointed out that the Narodnaya Volya members “...narrowed politics to only conspiratorial struggle,” and that the experience of the history of the revolutionary movement in Russia warns against such methods of struggle as terrorism.

K con. 80s - as it develops

QUESTIONS

1. What were the differences between Russian liberalism and Western European liberalism?

Firstly, liberal ideas in Russia began to play a significant role half a century later than in Western Europe (from the mid-1850s under Alexander II);

Secondly, unlike Western Europe, where the bearers of liberal ideology were primarily the bourgeois strata of society, in Russia its adherents were primarily the enlightened nobles, including those who were in public service. Liberal sentiments even gripped some of the top officials;

Thirdly, Russian liberals, without rejecting the achievements of Western European liberalism, were looking for a special path of parliamentarism for Russia, which should come from the autocrat.

2. How is it different? socialist doctrine populism from other socialist teachings?

Populism was an original phenomenon. His theoretical basis laid A.I. Herzen and N.G. Chernyshevsky. Populism arose as one of the socialist doctrines, taking into account the peculiarities historical development Russia and different from Western European socialist doctrines.

Unlike other socialist teachings, the populists believed that the construction of a socialist society should be carried out not by the working class, but by the peasantry. The peasantry, interested in the abolition of serfdom and landownership, will fight for land and freedom. At the same time, it will destroy the existing exploitative system and easily adopt the socialist idea that corresponds to its communal consciousness.

If Marxists saw the prospect of socialism in the development of an industrial society, then the populists considered the peasant community to be the basis for its development in Russia. They made this conclusion based on the fact that collective land ownership and self-government already existed in it. Thanks to the presence of a peasantry organized into rural communities, which makes up the overwhelming majority of the population, Russia, according to the populists, could begin building a socialist society, bypassing capitalism, which brings new forms of exploitation and poverty.

3. How did the spread of Marxism go in Russia?

The spread of Marxism in Russia dates back to 1883, when former populists led by G.V. Plekhanov, who switched to the position of Marxism, created the “Emancipation of Labor” group in Geneva. It was Plekhanov who first raised the question of the need to create a Social Democratic Party in Russia. In 1883, in St. Petersburg, a group of students, organized by the Bulgarian D. Blagoev, adopted the loud name “Party of Russian Social Democrats.”

“Unions of struggle for the liberation of the working class” campaigned, issued proclamations and leaflets. A large social democratic organization was created by V.I. Lenin and Yu.O. Martov St. Petersburg "Union of Struggle".

The Liberation of Labor group, which operated abroad, widely launched propaganda of Marxist theory in Russia. The works of Marx and Engels were translated into Russian, the so-called “Workers' Library” (popular social democratic brochures) was published, and the first drafts of the program of Russian social democracy were developed. All this literature was illegally transported to Russia. Plekhanov and his comrades in the Emancipation of Labor group believed that Russian workers should accept the most Active participation in the political struggle of the entire society against the autocracy. At the same time, the workers, under the leadership of social democracy, will defend their class interests.

In 1898, the First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party took place in Minsk. It was attended by 9 delegates from various social democratic organizations. The congress adopted a manifesto, which declared the formation of the party and its goals. However, almost all the congress participants were arrested, and it was not possible to create a unified Marxist party. The Social Democrats of Russia were still represented by separate independently operating organizations.

4. What is the essence of the views of Russian conservatives?

Conservatism in Russia defended autocracy and the class system of society. It was an expression of the official state ideology. Prominent representatives of conservative ideology were the publicist and publisher M.N. Katkov, lawyer and chief prosecutor of the Holy Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev.

Katkov, editor of the popular newspaper Moskovskie Vedomosti and the magazine Russkiy Vestnik, considered the radicalism of the populists disastrous for Russia. In his opinion, the country had to preserve its foundations unchanged - autocracy, Orthodoxy and landownership. At the same time, Katkov advocated the liberation of the peasants and the introduction local government. He also condemned the constitutional aspirations of the liberals. Katkov's views influenced government policy.

Pobedonostsev enjoyed even greater influence in government circles. “Course of Civil Law” written by him long time was a reference book for Russian lawyers. Pobedonostsev was one of the inspirers of the conservative policies pursued during the reign of Alexander III. As the leader of the Synod, he was known for organizing persecution of sectarians and Protestants.

TASKS

1. If you lived in Russia in the 19th century, what ideology would you follow? Explain the reasons for your choice.

I would be a supporter of liberalism, since liberal ideas provided for gradual peaceful transformations in the country. Liberals took into account the historical features of development Russian state and supported the reform of the country from above.

2. What can you say about the views of the Russian liberal based on the answers of V.A. Goltsev to the questionnaire of the magazine “Russian Thought”? Which of his answers do you like and why?

Where would I like to live?

In Russia, but only free.

What do I hate most?

Despotism.

The reform I most admire in history?

Liberation of peasants in Russia.

The reform I want?

The fall of autocracy in Russia.

My motto?

Labor and political freedom.

Based on the answers from V.A. Goltsev, we can say that Russian liberals defended the idea of a Russia free from despotism. This idea must be implemented through reforms.

What I like most is the answer that most of all V.A. Goltsev hates despotism. I support his idea, since this form of government violates all natural human rights and does not allow society to develop.

3. Read a fragment of the program of the terrorist faction of the Narodnaya Volya party: “Recognizing the main importance of terror as a means of forcing concessions from the government through its systematic disorganization, we do not in the least belittle its other useful aspects. He raises the revolutionary spirit of the people; gives continuous proof of the possibility of struggle, undermining the charm of government power; it acts in a strong propaganda way on the masses. Therefore, we consider useful not only the terrorist struggle against the central government, but also local terrorist protests against administrative oppression.”

Do the arguments in favor of terror as a means of fighting power convince you? Why?

No, they are not convinced. Terror will never be effective, because, firstly, it always leads to casualties, and no one has the right to take the life of another person, and secondly, the result of any terrorist actions is the response of the authorities, from which not only the perpetrators suffer, but also innocent people.

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Samara State Technical University

Populism: political doctrines and revolutionary activities

I've done the work:

student 1-AIT-2

Frolova E.N.

Samara 2010

Introduction

Classical populism, which arose in the 60s of the 19th century, reached its culmination in the 70s. The first political organization to officially call itself a party was, as you know, “People's Will” (1879). Previously, parties were called, in imitation of the West, court groups or circles of guards officers. The mass movement of the various intelligentsia into the “people” took a variety of forms (oral propaganda, resettlement in the countryside, individual terror) and was characterized by high organization. The most severe secrecy and strict discipline distinguished the populist organizations “Land and Freedom” (1876), “Black Redistribution” (1878), and “People’s Will” (1879). The highest point, which was also the collapse of classical populism, was the assassination of Tsar Alexander II by members of Narodnaya Volya in 1881 (the killer was A. Grinevetsky).

The historical merits of classical populism include the search for a grounded, original path of development of Russia, the desire to make the people the subject of historical creativity. The populists, as we know, sought to solve the problem of involving the people ("soil") in active work by various means: "going to the people", creating peasant settlements, promoting their ideas, immediate rebellion, etc. The populists were able to create political organizations capable of resisting tsarist secret services (“Land and Freedom”, and especially “People’s Will”, which, thanks to high discipline and secrecy, carried out its activities for three years).

“Populism,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “is the ideology (system of views) of peasant democracy in Russia.” Populism combined the ideas of utopian socialism with the demand of the peasantry, interested in the destruction of landowners' estates. He opposed both serfdom and the bourgeois development of society. Since its inception, two currents have emerged in populism - revolutionary and liberal. The revolutionaries saw the main goal in organizing a peasant revolution and during the 60-80s. strived for it in various ways. Liberal populists, operating legally, sought peaceful forms of transition to socialism. Liberal populism did not play a significant role until the 80s, when it became the dominant trend. Representatives of many nationalities of Russia took part in the populist movement. Populist ideology was uniquely refracted in the conditions of Ukraine, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, Poland and other regions. Populism was not a purely Russian phenomenon. A similar form of ideology was also characteristic of other countries that took the path of capitalist development late.

Ideology

K con. 80s - with the development of capitalism and the growth of the working class in Russia, with the beginning of the spread of Marxism in the country, the unfoundedness of faith in the “communist instincts” of the peasant, in the peasant socialist revolution, in the success of the single combat of the heroic intelligentsia with the autocracy was finally revealed. The ideology of revolutionary populism turned out to be untenable.

Revolutionary activities

During the years of the first revolutionary situation of 1859-61, illegal circles and populist organizations began to emerge. From 1856 to 1862 the Kharkov-Kiev secret society operated, the founders of which were Ya.N. Beckman and M.D. Muravsky. In 1861-62, a circle of P.G. functioned in Moscow. Zaichnevsky and P.E. Argiropulo, who printed illegal publications, began revolutionary propaganda among the people, calling for the overthrow of the autocracy (the “Young Russia” proclamation). In the conditions of the revolutionary situation, the rise of the mass movement and the struggle of the democratic intelligentsia, who were expecting a peasant uprising, the secret society “Land and Freedom” arose in 1861 - the largest revolutionary association of the 60s. and the first attempt to create an all-Russian organization. The ideological inspirer of “Land and Freedom” was Chernyshevsky, the foreign center was represented by Herzen and Ogarev, the most active members were the brothers N.A. and A.A. Serno-Solovievichi, A.A. Sleptsov, N.H. Obruchev, S.S. Rymarenko, V. S. Kurochkin and others.

70s were a new stage in the development of the revolutionary democratic movement: compared to the 60s. The number of participants in the movement, its scope and effectiveness have increased immeasurably. In the spring and summer of 1874, a mass “going to the people” of the democratic intelligentsia began, and the first rapprochement of revolutionary youth with the people took place. Theoretical discussions about duty to the people turned into practical actions aimed at raising the peasant masses to the socialist revolution. “Going among the people” was the first test of the ideology of revolutionary populism. Lenin praised this movement. By the end of 1875, the “going to the people” was crushed by the police, its participants were arrested and convicted in the “trial of the 193s” (1877-78). Among the defendants were major revolutionaries: P.I. Voinaralsky, Volkhovsky, S.F. Kovalik, I.N. Myshkin, D.M. Rogachev and others. “Going to the People” revealed the organizational weakness of the populist movement and determined the need for a single centralized organization of revolutionaries. This task was partly resolved in the activities of the All-Russian Social Revolutionary Organization (a group of Muscovites), which arose in late 1874 - early 1875. In the mid-70s. the problem of concentrating revolutionary forces in a single organization became central. It was discussed at congresses of populists in St. Petersburg, Moscow, in exile, and debated on the pages of the illegal press, among the participants in the “going to the people” brought in through the “trial of the 193s.” The revolutionaries had to choose a centralist or federal principle of organization and determine their attitude towards socialist parties in other countries.

In 1876, a new populist organization arose in St. Petersburg, which in 1878 received the name “Land and Freedom.” Its founders and active participants were: M.A. and O.A. Nathanson, A.D. Mikhailov, A.D. Oboleshev, G.V. Plekhanov, O.V. Aptekman, A.A. Kvyatkovsky, D.A. Lizogub, Osinsky and others. The great merit of the Zemlya Volyas was the creation of a strong and disciplined organization, which Lenin called “excellent” and a “model” for revolutionaries. The Zemlyavoltsy had their own organs: “Earth and Freedom” (1878-79), “Leaf of Earth and Freedom” (1879). In practical work, “Land and Freedom” moved from “wandering” propaganda, characteristic of the 1st stage of “going to the people,” to settled rural settlements. However, the hopes of the landowners to rouse the peasantry to revolution did not materialize. Disappointment in the results of propaganda, increased government repression, on the one hand, and public excitement in the context of the brewing of a second revolutionary situation in the country, on the other, contributed to the aggravation of disagreements within the organization. The majority of landowners were convinced of the need to move to a direct political struggle against the autocracy. Terror is gradually becoming one of the main means of revolutionary struggle. At first these were acts of self-defense and revenge for the atrocities of the tsarist administration. However, gradually the successes of the terrorist struggle, which caused confusion at the top, gave rise to the illusion among the populists of the special effectiveness of this method. In August 1879, as a result of a conflict between “politicians” (A.I. Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, Kvyatkovsky, etc.) and “villagers” (Plekhanov, M.R. Popov, Aptekman, etc.), a split occurred between the “Earth and will". Two independent organizations were formed - "People's Will" and "Black Redistribution".

"People's Will" further strengthened the principles of centralization and conspiracy developed by "Land and Freedom". The Executive Committee of Narodnaya Volya included outstanding revolutionaries Zhelyabov, A.D. Mikhailov, Perovskaya, V.N. Figner, N.I. Kibalchich and others. The organs of the Narodnaya Volya members were "People's Will" (1879-85, with interruptions), "Bulletin of the People's Will" (1883-86), "Leaflet of the People's Will" (1880-86).

After the murder of Alexander II by revolutionaries and the trial of the First Marchers, failures, betrayals, and arrests began, which bled Narodnaya Volya dry. A series of trials in the 80s. (“Process of 20”, “Process of 17”, “Process of 14”, etc.) completed the destruction of the organization. In 1885, a congress of southern Narodnaya Volya members (B.D. Orzhikh, V.G. Bogoraz, F.I. Yasevich, V.P. Brazhnikov, etc.) met in Yekaterinoslav, which examined the state of the revolutionary forces in the south of Russia and drew attention to the need to expand the struggle for political freedoms and widespread propaganda among the masses.

People's Will and ideologically close organizations continued to operate in the 90s. In 1889-90 in Kostroma, Vladimir and Yaroslavl there was a revolutionary organization led by M.V. Sabunaev. In 1891-94, the “Group of Narodnaya Volya” worked in St. Petersburg under the leadership of M.S. Alexandrov (Olminsky). In 1893, the “People's Law” party arose (M.A. Nathanson, P. Nikolaev, N. Tyutchev, etc.). As Marxism spread in Russia, populist organizations lost their importance.

Their best democratic traditions, in the changed conditions of the class struggle, were continued by a new revolutionary generation that overcame the mistakes and illusions of populism. Some populists, as the proletarian ideology was established, switched to the position of Marxism, and later became members of the social democratic party.

Zhelyabov A.I.

Zhelyabov, Andrei Ivanovich (1851-1881) - Russian revolutionary, leader of the populist movement, member of the Executive Committee of the People's Will. He bore the party nicknames “Boris” and “Taras”.

Born on August 17 (29), 1851 in the village. Nikolaevka Feodosiya district Tauride lips. In the family of a serf serf on the Sultanovka estate in one of the Crimean villages, he was taught to read and write by his grandfather from the psalter. In 1860, the landowner sent him to the Kerch district school (later a gymnasium), from which he graduated in 1869 with a silver medal. At the gymnasium I read N.G. Chernyshevsky’s novel What Is To Be Done?, which, according to him, shaped his ideological beliefs. In 1869 he entered Faculty of Law Novorossiysk University in Odessa. Convinced that “history is moving terribly slowly, we need to push it,” he led student protests against one of the conservative teachers (Prof. Bogisich), for which he was expelled from the university in 1871 and expelled from Odessa.

In 1872 he married the daughter of a sugar factory, Yakhnenko, whose enterprises were located in Tiraspol district. Kherson province. They had a son, after which Zhelyabov, probably at the request of his friends, was reinstated at the university, but did not live with his family. Expelled for the second time from the 3rd year, he moved to Kiev in 1872, lived with occasional lessons in the Settlement of the Kiev province, where he established contacts with the revolutionary circles of Kiev and with the leaders of the Ukrainian liberal-bourgeois cultural and educational organization of the Ukrainian intelligentsia “Hromada”.

In 1873 he again ended up in Odessa, where he joined F.V.’s circle. Volkovsky - one of the southern Russian populists who maintained contact with the capital’s circle of “Tchaikovsky” (N.V. Tchaikovsky). Conducted propaganda among workers and intelligentsia. In September 1874 he was arrested, released on bail, and continued his illegal activities (“He lived on funds from the fund for the liberation of the people,” he later said at one of his trials).

In 1873-1874 he became a participant in the first “walking among the people.” On October 18, 1878, he was arrested again and tried in the “Trial of the 193s.” Acquitted in January 1879, he finally went underground and moved to Podolsk province, where he continued to conduct propaganda among the peasants. According to a comrade in the Narodnik organization, O.S. Lyubatovich, by that time he “had matured mentally and physically... his whole being was imbued with some kind of joyful light and great hope”; This hope was the belief in the need to fight the government using terror methods in the name of “people's happiness.”

In June 1879, Zhelyabov took part in the Voronezh congress of populists, where he was accepted into the organization “Land and Freedom”, actively defended the tactics of terror, which contributed to the split of the organization into supporters of this method of struggle (they formed a little later “People’s Will”) and opponents (they created organization "Black Redistribution"). At the Lipetsk congress of terrorist politicians, held immediately after the Voronezh one, Zhelyabov came to the conclusion that terror is “an exceptional, heroic means, but also the most effective.” Since August 1879, he was the main organizer and ideological inspirer of the St. Petersburg organization “People's Will” (which he personally called the party), a defender of the terrorist direction of its activities. He believed, however, that “it is possible to seize power only in order to transfer it into the hands of the people” (testimony of M.F. Frolenko). At that time, he showed the makings of a people's tribune: “a pleasant and strong voice”, extreme “clarity, fervor, impetuosity of speech.”

With the leadership participation of Zhelyabov, the workers, student and military organizations of “Narodnaya Volya” were founded, and program documents were written. They, in particular, provided for the destruction of the autocracy, the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the transfer of land to the peasants, the publication of illegal printed publications (the newspaper “Narodnaya Volya”, published 1879-1881, and “Rabochaya Gazeta”, published in the autumn of 1880, 3 numbers, 1000 copies). Zhelyabov also headed the main collegial governing body of “Narodnaya Volya” - the Executive Committee (besides him, it included A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya and others).

Gendarmerie General N.I. Shebeko called Zhelyabov a “terrible” person, but later noted that this “great organizer of assassination attempts had an amazing power of activity and did not belong to the trembling and silent ones; It is impossible to allow even a shadow of repentance to touch his heart in the interval between the organization of the crime and the hour of his atonement..."

It was Zhelyabov who led the “combat group” of terrorists in 1879, whose goal was to prepare the assassination of Tsar Alexander II. He justified the need for attempts on his life by the fact that it was the tsarist government that banned the peaceful propaganda of socialist ideas and brought down repressions on their bearers (“our movement was defeated exclusively by the numerous obstacles that it encountered in the form of prisons and exile; peaceful propaganda turned out to be impossible - we had to move away from the word to the point").

He personally participated in the preparation and determination of the tactics of the terrorist attacks. For the first assassination attempt, having learned about the tsar’s intended trip to railway, rented a plot of land under the fictitious surname Cheremisyev near the city of Aleksandrovsky, Ekaterinoslav province, and also selected a place to lay a mine under the rails. This attempt on November 18, 1879 failed: the mine went off after the train passed over it. In total, he prepared 8 assassination attempts on Alexander II.

At the beginning of 1880 he became the de facto leader of the Executive Committee of the People's Will and the organizer of new attempts on the life of the Tsar. He skillfully conducted propaganda work. He was going to go to the Samara province to raise a peasant uprising there, he said that he felt “the strength to do this,” but the Executive Committee found a mass uprising untimely and rejected his intention.

Having entered the so-called “Administrative Commission of the People's Will,” he led new preparations for the assassination attempt on the Tsar (according to L.G. Deitch, Zhelyabov was a man of “indomitable energy, holding in his hands all the threads of the regicide being prepared”).

On February 27, 1881, he was accidentally arrested at the apartment of his friend. Not only did he not try to escape, but he voluntarily surrendered to the police. The preparation of the assassination attempt, planned two days later, was taken over by his common-law wife, S.L. Perovskaya. At her signal, on March 1, 1881, I.I. Grinevitsky threw a bomb at the Tsar and blew himself up. After the arrest of S.L. Perovskaya on Nevsky Prospekt on March 10, 1881, Zhelyabov demanded that he be included in the trial of the regicide on March 1, 1881.

Before the trial, Zhelyabov was placed in the Trubetskoy bastion of the Peter and Paul Fortress. At trial he refused to have a lawyer. Repeatedly interrupted by the chairman of the court, he nevertheless managed to use the court hearing as a platform to present the program and principles of the activities of “Narodnaya Volya” (“served the cause of the liberation of the people”). Declaring that he denies the Orthodox faith, at the same time he emphasized that in the teachings of Christ he sees “the struggle for truth, for the rights of the weak and oppressed.” In conclusion, he admitted that he would renounce terror if “the possibility of peaceful propaganda of ideas arose.” According to the verdict of the Supreme Criminal Court, he was hanged along with other “First Marchers” on April 3 (15), 1881 at Semenovsky Parade Ground in St. Petersburg (the last public execution in Russia).

Already in 1882 (a year after the execution), a biography of this revolutionary terrorist was published abroad. His social activities were widely covered in the magazine "Byloe" in 1906-1907. IN AND. Lenin put Zhelyabov on a par with Robespierre and Garibaldi. In 1928, a village in the Ustyuzhensky district of the Vologda region was named after Zhelyabov. In the famous novel by Yu.V. Trifonov Impatience (1973), which tells about the ascetic activities of the Narodnaya Volya members, the figure of Zhelyabov occupies a central place.

Directions and currents

According to the degree of radicalism there are:

conservative course;
liberal-revolutionary;
social revolutionary populism;
anarchist.

The conservative wing was associated with the Slavophiles (Strakhov, Grigoriev). His activities are the least studied and are represented mainly by the work of P. Chervinsky and I. Kablits, employees of the Week magazine.

Representatives of the liberal-revolutionary (centrist) wing of the 60-70s of the 19th century: Eliseev (Sovremennik magazine), Zlatovratsky, Obolensky, Mikhailovsky, Korolenko (1868-1884, “Domestic Records”), Krivenko, Yuzhakov, Vorontsov and others . Its leading ideologists were Lavrov and Mikhailovsky.
Supporters of the social-revolutionary direction of populism, led by Tkachev and, to some extent, Morozov, were not satisfied with the focus on propaganda and long preparation for a social explosion. They were attracted by the idea of accelerating, forcing the revolution.

The anarchist wing disputed the need for change within the country. The anarchist populists Kropotkin and Bakunin were skeptical of power, considering it enslaving and suppressing individual freedom. As it turned out, this trend rather played a destructive role, although in theoretical terms it had a number of positive ideas.

The first circles and organizations

In 1856-1858 there was a propaganda circle at Kharkov University. In 1861, it was replaced in Moscow by an association under the leadership of P. E. Agriropulo and P. G. Zainchevsky. Its members considered revolution to be the only way to transform the surrounding reality.

"Land and Freedom"

The most influential secret organization in St. Petersburg in 1861-1864 was “Land and Freedom”. Its members (Sleptsov, Kurochkin, Obruchev, Utin, Rymarenko) dreamed of “conditions for revolution.” The program of this society included the transfer of land to peasants (it was planned for a ransom), the replacement of all officials with elected officials, and a reduction in expenses for the army and the royal court. However, these provisions never received adequate support among the people, and as a result, the organization dissolved itself, remaining undetected by the tsarist security services.

"Ishutintsy"

Ishutin's revolutionary society grew out of a circle that was part of the Land and Freedom organization. His goal was to prepare a peasant revolution through a conspiracy of intellectual groups. In an effort to bring to life some of Chernyshevsky's ideas on creating workshops and artels, members of the society opened a free school in Moscow in 1865, a bookbinding and sewing workshop, negotiated regarding the creation of a commune with the workers of the Lyudinovsky ironworks in the Kaluga province, and founded a cotton factory on the basis of association in 1865 in Mozhaisk district. The “Ishutintsy” planned Chernyshevsky’s escape from hard labor, but their activities were interrupted on April 4, 1866 by the assassination attempt of Karakozov, one of the members of this society, on the emperor. In this case, more than 2,000 populists were put under investigation, 36 were sentenced by the authorities to various measures (Karakozov was hanged, Ishutin was placed in solitary confinement, where he later went crazy).

"People's Massacre"

This organization, led by Nechaev, represented the radical populist movement and was created in 1869 in Moscow and St. Petersburg. It consisted of 77 people. Its goal was also to prepare a “people's revolution.” Sergei Nechaev personified fanaticism, unprincipledness, deceit and dictatorship in this organization. P.L. Lavrov openly opposed him, who believed that “no one should risk the moral purity of the struggle unless absolutely necessary, and not a single extra drop of blood should be shed.” Nechaev called for terror and provocations. He was confident that such methods would be useful in weakening the regime and would bring a brighter future closer. Ivanov, who opposed Nechaev, was later accused of treason and killed. The police uncovered this criminal offense, and the leader of the organization fled abroad, but was found, arrested and tried as a criminal.

This ideology did not pass without a trace, and was reflected in the revolutionary thought of other states. Thus, in the populist movements of the third world countries over many subsequent years, populism was encountered (20th century).

Samara State Technical University

Populism: political doctrines and revolutionary activities

I've done the work:

student 1-AIT-2

Frolova E.N.

Samara 2010

Introduction

Classical populism, which arose in the 60s of the 19th century, reached its culmination in the 70s. The first political organization to officially call itself a party was, as you know, “People's Will” (1879). Previously, parties were called, in imitation of the West, court groups or circles of guards officers. The mass movement of the various intelligentsia into the “people” took a variety of forms (oral propaganda, resettlement in the countryside, individual terror) and was characterized by high organization. The most severe secrecy and strict discipline distinguished the populist organizations “Land and Freedom” (1876), “Black Redistribution” (1878), and “People’s Will” (1879). The highest point, which was also the collapse of classical populism, was the assassination of Tsar Alexander II by members of Narodnaya Volya in 1881 (the killer was A. Grinevetsky).

The historical merits of classical populism include the search for a grounded, original path of development of Russia, the desire to make the people the subject of historical creativity. The populists, as we know, sought to solve the problem of involving the people ("soil") in active work by various means: "going to the people", creating peasant settlements, promoting their ideas, immediate rebellion, etc. The populists were able to create political organizations capable of resisting tsarist secret services (“Land and Freedom”, and especially “People’s Will”, which, thanks to high discipline and secrecy, carried out its activities for three years).

“Populism,” wrote V.I. Lenin, “is the ideology (system of views) of peasant democracy in Russia.” Populism combined the ideas of utopian socialism with the demand of the peasantry, interested in the destruction of landowners' estates. He opposed both serfdom and the bourgeois development of society. Since its inception, two currents have emerged in populism - revolutionary and liberal. The revolutionaries saw the main goal in organizing a peasant revolution and during the 60-80s. strived for it in various ways. Liberal populists, operating legally, sought peaceful forms of transition to socialism. Liberal populism did not play a significant role until the 80s, when it became the dominant trend. Representatives of many nationalities of Russia took part in the populist movement. Populist ideology was uniquely refracted in the conditions of Ukraine, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, Poland and other regions. Populism was not a purely Russian phenomenon. A similar form of ideology was also characteristic of other countries that took the path of capitalist development late.

Ideology

Revolutionary activities

Zhelyabov A.I.

Zhelyabov, Andrei Ivanovich (1851–1881) - Russian revolutionary, figure in the populist movement, member of the Executive Committee of the People's Will. He bore the party nicknames “Boris” and “Taras”.

Born on August 17 (29), 1851 in the village. Nikolaevka Feodosiya district Tauride lips. In the family of a serf serf on the Sultanovka estate in one of the Crimean villages, he was taught to read and write by his grandfather from the psalter. In 1860 he was sent by the landowner to the Kerch district school (later a gymnasium), from which he graduated in 1869 with a silver medal. At the gymnasium I read N.G. Chernyshevsky’s novel What Is To Be Done?, which, according to him, shaped his ideological beliefs. In 1869 he entered the law faculty of Novorossiysk University in Odessa. Convinced that “history is moving terribly slowly, we need to push it,” he led student protests against one of the conservative teachers (Prof. Bogisich), for which he was expelled from the university in 1871 and expelled from Odessa.

In 1873–1874 he took part in the first “walking among the people.” On October 18, 1878, he was arrested again and tried in the “Trial of the 193s.” Acquitted in January 1879, he finally went underground and moved to Podolsk province, where he continued to conduct propaganda among the peasants. According to a comrade in the Narodnik organization, O.S. Lyubatovich, by that time he “had matured mentally and physically... his whole being was imbued with some kind of joyful light and great hope”; This hope was the belief in the need to fight the government using terror methods in the name of “people's happiness.”

With the leadership participation of Zhelyabov, the workers, student and military organizations of “Narodnaya Volya” were founded, and program documents were written. They, in particular, provided for the destruction of the autocracy, the convening of the Constituent Assembly, the introduction of democratic freedoms, the transfer of land to the peasants, the publication of illegal printed publications (the newspaper “Narodnaya Volya”, published 1879–1881, and “Rabochaya Gazeta”, published in the autumn of 1880, 3 numbers, 1000 copies). Zhelyabov also headed the main collegial governing body of “Narodnaya Volya” - the Executive Committee (besides him, it included A.D. Mikhailov, S.L. Perovskaya and others).

It was Zhelyabov who led the “combat group” of terrorists in 1879, whose goal was to prepare the assassination of Tsar Alexander II. He justified the need for attempts on his life by the fact that it was the tsarist government that banned the peaceful propaganda of socialist ideas and brought down repression on their bearers (“our movement was defeated exclusively by the numerous obstacles that it encountered in the form of prisons and exile; peaceful propaganda turned out to be impossible - we had to move away from the word to the point").

He personally participated in the preparation and determination of the tactics of the terrorist attacks. For the first assassination attempt, having learned about the tsar’s proposed trip by rail, he rented a plot of land near the town of Aleksandrovsky, Yekaterinoslav province, under the fictitious surname Cheremis’ev, and also selected a place to lay a mine under the rails. This attempt on November 18, 1879 failed: the mine went off after the train passed over it. In total, he prepared 8 assassination attempts on Alexander II.

Already in 1882 (a year after the execution), a biography of this revolutionary terrorist was published abroad. His social activities were widely covered in the magazine "Byloe" in 1906–1907. IN AND. Lenin put Zhelyabov on a par with Robespierre and Garibaldi. In 1928, a village in the Ustyuzhensky district of the Vologda region was named after Zhelyabov. In the famous novel by Yu.V. Trifonov Impatience (1973), which tells about the ascetic activities of the Narodnaya Volya members, the figure of Zhelyabov occupies a central place.

How does the socialist doctrine of populism differ from others? Revolutionary populism in Russia. Populism. Its main currents

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